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News media repertoires, content versus platform preferences, a digital divide among young people.

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News Consumption across Media Platforms and Content: A Typology of Young News Users

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Sabine Geers, News Consumption across Media Platforms and Content: A Typology of Young News Users, Public Opinion Quarterly , Volume 84, Issue S1, 2020, Pages 332–354, https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfaa010

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In a changing information environment in which people increasingly select a combination of media platforms to consume news, scholars have taken a more comprehensive approach in measuring news consumption by examining news media repertoires. This study specifically (1) examines news repertoires of young people, based on their combined usage of media platforms and news content preferences; and (2) examines their variation due to social background characteristics. Results from a survey of Dutch adolescents ( N = 1,084; age 16 to 21) reveal four distinct news repertoires: labeled minimalists, omnivores, traditionalists, and online news users. Findings further suggest that platform-based news repertoires are related to preferences for specific news content. Finally, this study contributes to the digital divide literature by demonstrating that inequalities in news media usage related to education do not seem to apply to younger citizens.

In the contemporary media landscape, people can either follow each and every news event or avoid news about societal and political events altogether. A wide range of media platforms is available, both online and offline. Previously, scholars have identified different types of news consumers by analyzing news consumption across platforms ( Taneja et al. 2012 ; Lee and Yang 2014 ; Strömbäck, Falasca, and Kruikemeier 2017 ). While these studies provide insight into different news repertoires among adults, news repertoires among young people have received less attention ( Edgerly et al. 2018 ). Yet, young news users might spend far more time with newer, unconventional forms of news, as opposed to older adults who are socialized with more traditional forms of news. This raises the question whether previously identified news repertoires among adults remain valid among this younger subgroup of the population. The current study addresses this empirical question using a two-step confirmatory approach to identify news repertoires among young news users based on (1) media platform use and (2) news content preferences.

Earlier news repertoire studies either focused only on platform use ( Strömbäck, Falasca, and Kruikemeier 2017 ; Edgerly et al. 2018 ) or examined how news consumption depends on both news content preferences and the platforms that are used, in which content and platform use are mostly intertwined, as for instance is the case in sports magazines or regional newspapers ( van Rees and van Eijck 2003 ; Taneja et al. 2012 ; Kim 2016 ). This differential focus on either platforms or content, or both simultaneously, can lead to conceptual confusion when studying news repertoires. By adopting a two-step model of choice in which news repertoires are first identified based on platform use and then used to predict content preferences, this study addresses both structural and individual-level characteristics of the audience in the construction of news repertoires ( Webster, Phalen, and Lichty 2014 ).

Following previous repertoire studies, this study also examines whether different types of young news users differ in their social backgrounds, especially with regard to their educational level. The availability of new online media platforms has created concerns about a possible digital divide related to citizens’ level of education. Research has shown that higher-educated people have different (online) news consumption patterns than lower-educated people ( van Dijk 2006 ). Whether this digital divide also pertains to younger citizens remains the question.

This study relies on Dutch survey data, collected among Dutch adolescents, to empirically test previously found news repertoires among young people. Following a two-step model of choice, I first identify four types of news users across traditional, online, and social media platforms using a confirmatory approach of latent profile analysis. In a second step, these different news repertoires based on platform preferences are used to predict news content preferences. Additionally, the social background characteristics of these different types of young news users are examined.

The introduction of new online and social media platforms has changed the way in which news is consumed. Rather than choosing between a few available traditional media outlets, people nowadays select a combination of media platforms to consume news. 1 This selection can include both online and offline platforms from both institutionalized and non-institutionalized news media. Due to this societal and technological change, a more comprehensive approach is warranted in measuring news consumption by examining news media repertoires (e.g., Taneja et al. 2012 ; Strömbäck, Falasca, and Kruikemeier 2017 ; Edgerly et al. 2018 ). The term “news media repertoire” refers to the combined use of different media platforms to consume news in a hybrid and high-choice media environment ( Hasebrink and Popp 2006 ; Hasebrink and Domeyer 2012 ; Chadwick 2013 ).

While the news repertoire approach has become more common in research, still various methods are applied for measuring news exposure and constructing the subsequent repertoires. First of all, studies employing qualitative methods have explored different news repertoires and the overarching values and motivations underlying these repertoires ( Schröder and Kobbernagel 2010 ; van Cauwenberge, d’Haenens, and Beentjes 2013 ; Clark and Marchi 2017 ; Swart, Peter, and Broersma 2017 ). This body of research contributed to the theoretical underpinning and deeper understanding of news repertoires. Second, a number of quantitative studies have extended this research by identifying and generalizing news repertoires based on larger sample populations using a variety of quantitative methods.

For example, Strömbäck, Falasca, and Kruikemeier (2017) use latent class analysis to identify different types of news users based on their news consumption across a variety of media platforms, such as news media in both their offline and online formats and social media platforms. Their study identified five different news repertoires: minimalists, public news consumers, local news consumers, social media news consumers, and popular online news consumers. Bos, Kruikemeier, and de Vreese (2016) adopt a similar approach and distinguish four types of news users: minimalists, public news consumers, popular news consumers, and news omnivores. Other studies have used principal components analysis or cluster analysis to investigate news repertoires (e.g., van Rees and van Eijck 2003 ; Lee and Yang 2014 ). For example, Lee and Yang (2014) produced three types of users with a cluster analysis: news avoiders, emerging news seekers (who prefer newer media), and traditional news seekers.

While the abovementioned studies are similar in terms of using news repertoires as a construct, there is no agreed standard or approach for measuring repertoires. Furthermore, studies that have examined news repertoires among young people are scarce. One of the few studies examined Dutch youth to identify six types of young news users using a cluster analysis ( van Cauwenberge, Beentjes, and d’Haenens 2011 ): online news users, news junkies, traditionalists, free newspaper readers, television users, and dabblers (the latter being similar to news minimalists). Although the study provided an exploratory insight into news repertoires among young people, newer media platforms such as social networking sites were not included. A more recent study added to this insight by including also social media as one of the platforms for news consumption and found four different types of young news users using a principal components analysis: news avoiders, curated news only, traditional news only, and news omnivores ( Edgerly et al. 2018 ).

These quantitative news repertoire studies, in both youth and adult samples, have mostly been exploratory in nature, identifying repertoires across different media platforms based on what the data reveal using principal components analysis, cluster analysis, or exploratory latent class analysis. However, previous identified repertoires have not been tested on other samples in a confirmative manner ( Taneja et al. 2012 ), making it difficult to assess the external validity and reliability of these repertoires. The current study takes a confirmatory approach to determine whether previous identified repertoires remain consistent in a specific national subgroup, namely Dutch adolescents. As such, this study can be considered an expansion of existing research on adult news repertoires. It uses established news repertoires to formulate hypotheses about the news repertoires I expect to identify based on prespecified patterns of news consumption ( Finch and Bronk 2011 ). These hypotheses about predefined news repertoires are tested with confirmatory latent profile analysis (CLPA), a technique that identifies underlying (latent) classes based on prespecified patterns of item responses ( Hagenaars and McCutcheon 2002 ).

The news repertoire literature suggests several types of (young) news users that can be distinguished. The most consistent finding in recent studies is the distinction between news avoiders (or news minimalists)—users with low overall news consumption—and news omnivores—users with high overall news consumption ( Ksiazek, Malthouse, and Webster 2010 ; Trilling and Schoenbach 2015 ; Bos, Kruikemeier, and de Vreese 2016 ; Strömbäck, Falasca, and Kruikemeier 2017 ; Edgerly et al. 2018 ). According to Bos, Kruikemeier, and de Vreese (2016) , minimalists are not the most politically interested citizens, yet they still consume media to get an overview of the news. They interpreted the minimalists group as representing a quasi-monitorial citizen, related to the concept of monitorial citizen ( Schudson 1998 ), a group of politically interested citizens that only sporadically consumes news, because they have other interests as well. The question is whether today’s youth can also be characterized as quasi-monitorial citizens, who only superficially follow the news. The contemporary high-choice media environment also enables young people to avoid news altogether, and only use media for entertainment purposes and social interaction. With regard to the amount of users who have a minimalistic or omnivorous news consumption pattern, previous studies have found that the news minimalists or avoiders are often the largest group of news users, whereas the news omnivores are often the smallest group of news users ( Bos, Kruikemeier, and de Vreese 2016 ; Edgerly et al. 2018 ).

The other distinction made in news repertoire studies is between users who mostly rely on traditional, offline, news sources and users who have transitioned to digital sources for consuming news ( Trilling and Schoenbach 2013 ; Lee and Yang 2014 ; Strömbäck, Falasca, and Kruikemeier 2017 ). A third option is the users who use a combination of traditional (offline) and online news sources, who have been labeled as eclectics before ( Wolfsfeld, Yarchi, and Samuel-Azran 2016 ). Edgerly and colleagues (2018) rightfully argue that there are two possibilities for the offline and online news consumption of young people. The first possibility is that they are fully socialized in the digital age, meaning that their repertoire is characterized by the use of digital sources, social media, and nontraditional news sources ( Mitchell, Matsa, and Gottfriend 2015 ). The second possibility is that they are still primarily socialized by their parents ( Vaala and Bleakley 2015 ), resulting in repertoires similar to those of previous generations, including mostly traditional, offline news sources. Based on this argumentation, there are two more types of young news users that are expected to be identified, namely: “traditionalists,” who mostly consume traditional, offline news sources, and “online news users,” who mostly consume news via online platforms.

H1a: Four different types of young news users can be distinguished: news minimalists, news omnivores, traditionalists, and online news users. H1b: The news minimalists are the largest group of news users, and the news omnivores are the smallest group of news users.

To provide a more comprehensive picture of young people’s news repertoires, the content preferences of each type of news user are taken into account as well. In previous research, it is even argued that news consumption is more dependent on the preference for specific content, rather than the platform through which news is provided ( van Rees and van Eijck 2003 ; Taneja et al. 2012 ; Kim 2016 ). Although there are no theoretical arguments in favor of or against composing a repertoire by either the use of media platforms or content preferences, any concrete research on media repertoires has to clarify the respective level of analysis it refers to ( Hasebrink and Popp 2006 ).

Therefore, this study adopts a two-step model of choice by first identifying news repertoires based on platform use and subsequently examining the news content preferences among the young news users with different news repertoires. The use of this two-step approach helps distinguish between the different levels of analysis, taking into account both structural and individual-level characteristics of the news audience in the construction of their news repertoires ( Webster, Phalen, and Lichty 2014 ). First, which media platforms people use and when they use them is clearly driven by structural factors such as people’s habits and mundane routines. Once users are engaged with certain media platforms, individual-level characteristics play a more important role in determining what a news user is exposed to. In this second step, micro-level determinants such as likes and dislikes of particular news content further define a user’s news repertoire. Adopting this two-step model of choice facilitates disentangling how platform-based news repertoires are related to particular news content preferences.

The literature on platform-based and content-based repertoires alludes to different possibilities to how the two are linked together. Yuan (2011) argues that there might be two different reasons for multiple media platform use related to content preferences. One reason might be the differentiated availability of information across different media coupled with a broad interest for different types of news content. This could be classified as the preference of news omnivores who combine rather heterogeneous categories of content and platforms, for example, serious print media with television entertainment ( van Rees and van Eijck 2003 ). Alternatively, omnivores might have a strong preference for certain news content and have the need for different media to reinforce and elaborate on similar information ( Yuan 2011 ). The current study offers the opportunity to unravel which rationale pertains to news omnivores, by examining whether they show a broad interest to different types of news content or they rather attend to one specific type of news content. Meanwhile, news minimalists or avoiders are expected to be identified not only by their low overall use of any kind of media platform, but also by their low or absent preference for any specific type of news content.

When approaching news repertoires based on content preferences, research has shown that some information areas are very media platform specific, while others are not platform specific at all ( Hasebrink and Popp 2006 ). People seem to have clear platform preferences for traditional media outlets when it comes to their hard-news preferences, for example, politics, economy, and social affairs ( van Rees and van Eijck 2003 ; Hasebrink and Popp 2006 ). Therefore, I expect to find that traditionalists are more likely to have a stronger preference for political news content. On the other hand, previous research found that people who are interested in sports use the whole range of available media platforms to find sports-related information ( Hasebrink and Popp 2006 ). Finally, while hard-news-oriented repertoires have been observed in previous studies, there does not seem to be any content-oriented repertoires for entertainment content or soft-news preferences like showbiz or culture ( Jenkins 2006 ; Reinemann et al. 2012 ; Kim 2016 ). However, the inclusion of different social media platforms in this study might shine a different light on entertainment-oriented repertoires. The “transmedia storytelling” (see Jenkins 2006 ) of entertainment content might either be captured in the diversified media repertoire of omnivores, or revealed in an online-only repertoire. For newer forms of media, such as online and social media, people appear to have a preceding preference for platform over content. Meaning that people first turn to their online or social media platform and then search for content that satisfies their needs ( Kim 2016 ).

Although previous research has provided some insight into how media platform preferences are related to content preferences, a clear pattern on how platform use and content are linked in news repertoires is lacking. Therefore, this study investigates how news content preferences are related to news repertoires that are based on media platform use.

RQ1: What are the news content preferences among the different types of young news users?

To gain a better understanding of the background of the different types of news users, their socio-demographic characteristics and individual predispositions are examined as well. The main focus is on the role of educational level in news consumption preferences. At the start of the twenty-first century, scholars were concerned that a digital divide would arise between citizens with and without access to the internet and with and without the required skills to handle an increasingly digitalized society ( van Dijk 2006 ). While most citizens in Western societies have access to the Internet nowadays, there is some evidence for a digital divide related to educational level with regard to online media usage, in that higher-educated citizens are more likely to use online media for news consumption than lower-educated citizens ( van Deursen and van Dijk 2014 ).

Several studies have shown that higher-educated people have different (online) news consumption patterns than lower-educated people. A study among US adults found that education has a positive association with online media repertoires ( Taneja et al. 2012 ). Other studies report similar findings that suggest that higher-educated citizens tend to use online media more often for “capital-enhancing” activities, including seeking news and political information ( Hargittai and Hinnant 2008 ; Zillien and Hargittai 2009 ; van Deursen and van Dijk 2014 ; Correa 2016 ). It seems as the internet becomes more mature, its usage reflects traditional media use in society with similar societal inequalities, as people with lower education also tend to read fewer newspapers ( van Deursen and van Dijk 2014 ). However, recent news repertoire studies report no significant differences in the educational levels of online news consumers ( Wolfsfeld, Yarchi, and Samuel-Azran 2016 ; Strömbäck, Falasca, and Kruikemeier 2017 ). Considering the relation between educational background and the amount of media usage, studies show that people who tend to avoid the news altogether are more likely to be lower educated, whereas news omnivores are more likely to be higher educated ( Ksiazek, Malthouse, and Webster 2010 ; Bos, Kruikemeier, and de Vreese 2016 ).

To what extent a digital divide pertains to younger citizens is unclear. Since today’s youth grew up in a new media environment, they are more likely than older people to have access to the digital technology needed to develop the skills required to use both offline and online media sources. As such, educational background might matter less. However, as digital media literacy literature suggests, many people lack the knowledge and skills to use new technology to keep up with current events ( Hobbs 2010 ). Therefore, the role of education in the digital divide warrants further study.

Only one study on news repertoires among young people took into account education as a predictor and found that online news users have a higher-educated profile ( van Cauwenberge, Beentjes, and d’Haenens 2011 ). A more recent study in youth news repertoires only considered the parental education as a predictor, leaving the role of youngsters’ educational level unaddressed ( Edgerly et al. 2018 ). Therefore, the differences in educational background for the different types of young news users in the contemporary media landscape is addressed in the current study with the following research question:

RQ2: What are the social background characteristics for the different types of young news users?

The data have been collected among students from secondary and tertiary education (16 years or older) in the Netherlands ( N = 1117). The students are recruited in cooperation with ProDemos 2 in two ways: (1) by asking students to fill out an online survey at the start of their political educational excursion to ProDemos (90 percent of the sample); 3 or (2) via a call in the ProDemos newsletter, asking teachers to let students take an online survey in class (10 percent of the sample). The survey data was collected between October and December 2018. For the students that were invited by their teachers via the newsletter, the response rate could not be calculated. For the students that were recruited during the excursion, the response rate is 95.1 percent. 4

Exclusion of nonvalid responses resulted in a final sample of 1,084 students. 5 The percentage of females in the sample was 54.2 percent, the percentage of males was 45.8 percent, and less than 1 percent indicated a nonbinary gender or preferred not to share their gender. The age ranged from 16 to 21 years or older (44.5 percent were 16 years old, 29.2 percent were 17 years old, 13.8 percent were 18 years old, and 12.5percent were 19 years or older). With regard to educational level, 55.8 percent were high school students, 41.8 percent of the students were enrolled in vocational education (MBO), and 2.4 percent of the students were enrolled in higher profession education (HBO).

The selection of indicators for the confirmatory latent profile analysis is based on previous literature on news usage and user typologies ( Bos, Kruikemeier, and de Vreese 2016 ; Strömbäck, Falasca, and Kruikemeier 2017 ; Edgerly et al. 2018 ). Respondents’ news exposure was measured with a question that asked how often respondents use several specific types of media to follow the news on a scale from (1) never to (5) daily, with separate items for each type of media platform. The specific items and corresponding means and standard deviations are presented in table 1 .

Question wording and descriptive statistics for news exposure items

Note.—Items were measured on a scale running from (1) never to (5) almost daily.

Content preferences were measured for six types of content. Respondents were asked to indicate how much attention they pay to each content type, when they watch, read, or listen to news, on a seven-point scale ranging from (1) “no attention at all” to (7) “a lot of attention”: (1) domestic politics ( M = 3.49, SD = 1.62); (2) international politics ( M = 3.19, SD = 1.61); (3) sports ( M = 4.14, SD = 2.14); (4) culture ( M = 4.23, SD = 1.77); (5) showbiz ( M = 3.83, SD = 1.94); and (6) regional news ( M = 4.45, SD = 1.77).

Several control variables were included, starting with the usual sociodemographic variables: age (M = 17.05, SD = 1.30), gender (45.8 percent male, 53.5 percent female, 0.7 percent other), and education (recoded into lower and higher levels). In addition, various individual predispositions were controlled for. First, political interest was measured with an item that asked respondents how interested they are in politics on a seven-point scale (1 = not at all interested and 7 = very interested; M = 3.54, SD = 1.63). Second, political knowledge is measured with a battery of six knowledge questions with multiple-choice answer categories, including a “don’t know” option (e.g., “Which parties are part of the current Dutch government?” and “When do the elections to the European Parliament take place?”), resulting in a political knowledge index ranging from 0 to 6 ( M = 3.22, SD = 1.59).

ANALYTIC STRATEGY

First, the main hypothesis was tested with a confirmatory latent profile analysis (CLPA) to distinguish between different types of young news users. Second, a multivariate analysis (MANOVA) tested whether the resulting classification of the types of news users explains news content preferences. Finally, the news media repertoires were compared to the social background characteristics examined in previous studies (gender, education, age, political interest, and political knowledge) using multinomial logistic regression.

Confirmatory latent profile analysis (CLPA), which uses continuous variables, is an extension of confirmatory latent class analysis (CLCA), which uses dichotomous/nominal variables ( Finch and Bronk 2011 ) to identify the underlying (latent) classes that explain patterns in responses in a set of variables ( Hagenaars and McCutcheon 2002 ). Using this technique, different types of respondents (classes) can be identified based on their item responses. Latent class analysis differs from other classification techniques, such as cluster analysis, because it fits a model to the data rather than providing an ad hoc classification of the given data ( van de Pol et al. 2014 ). Two common types of latent class analyses that are often employed are LCA or LPA, which are exploratory approaches that extract classes based on similar patterns of item responses. The current study conducts CLPA, which is a confirmatory approach that uses previous theory and research to determine if specific latent classes are present based on prespecified patterns of item responses (e.g., Finch and Bronk 2011 ; Niileksela and Templin 2018 ). These latent classes are identified by including constraints on model parameters for the response items.

Using CLPA, this study tested the assumption that there are four classes of media users that represent (1) minimalists; (2) omnivores; (3) traditionalists; and (4) online news users. These classes are treated as mutually exclusive in the sense that each respondent is classified in only one of the classes based on which media items have the highest score for that particular respondent. To identify the four-class model, an inequality constraint was placed on each corresponding item mean across classes.   Appendix A provides an overview of the inequality constraints on the means for each news exposure item.

Mplus 8 ( Muthén and Muthén 2017 ) was used for the CLPA analysis. The MIXTURE option was used to identify latent classes, and maximum likelihood estimation with robust standard errors (MLR) was used for all analyses. The model was estimated using 500 random starts and 125 final state optimizations. Additionally, to test whether the classes represent different types of users, an ANOVA was conducted to examine whether the means for the media items significantly differ from one another for the different classes.

First, a CLPA was conducted to measure if (H1a) the following four different types of young news users could be distinguished: news minimalists, news omnivores, traditionalists, and online news users; and (H1b) if the different groups differed in size in which news minimalists are the largest group of news users, and news omnivores are the smallest group of news users. The values for the common fit indices are –2LL = –21349.70, AIC = 42835.407, BIC = 43174.619, aBIC = 42958.637, and entropy > 0.75. Table 2 reports the class count, proportions, and average latent class probabilities for most likely membership for each class. The class proportions show that 48 percent of the respondents were news minimalists, 9 percent were news omnivores, 31 percent were traditionalists, and 12 percent were online news users. Table 3 shows for each type of news users the mean scores, standard errors, and confidence intervals for the 14 different types of media for news consumption, and demonstrates that the different classes significantly differ in their mean scores. Based on these analyses, I found that four types of young news users can be distinguished that differ in their news consumption across different media. Figure 1 visualizes the mean scores on the 14 types of media for each type of news user. Based on these findings, both H1a and H1b are supported.

Class count, proportions, and average latent class probabilities for most likely membership (row) by class (column)

Note.—The values in bold indicate the average latent class probabilities for each assigned class.

Estimated means and standard errors, and confidence intervals for news exposure items for the four-class solution

Note.—Different superscripts indicate statistically significant differences between figures in a row at p < 0.001. Lowest figures in a row are assigned “a,” then “b,” and so on. Abbreviation: 95% CI = 95 percent confidence intervals.

Sample means of news media use items for each class (news user type).

In the next step, I investigated which type of news content is more likely to be preferred by which type of young news users. A multivariate analysis (MANOVA) tested whether respondents’ membership of one of the four types of news users explains their news content preferences, that is, the amount of attention they pay to a certain type of news content. The results indicate that the four repertoires exhibit different levels across the six types of news content (Wilks’ Lambda = 0.81; f (18, 3041) = 12.92, p < 0.001). The model is further supported by significant differences within each type of news content ( table 4 ).

Estimated means and standard errors for news content preferences based on class membership

Note.—Different superscripts indicate statistically significant differences between figures in a row at p < 0.001. Lowest figures in a row are assigned “a,” then “b,” and so on.

The repertoires differ significantly in terms of preferences for domestic politics ( f (3) = 41.00, p < 0.001) and international politics ( f (3) = 30.17, p < 0.001). The highest level of attention for both domestic politics and international politics is reported among news omnivores, while news minimalists report the lowest. Post hoc tests reveal that news minimalists and online news users significantly differ from traditionalists and news omnivores ( p < 0.001) in their content preferences for domestic and international politics.

There are also significant differences in levels of attention for sports ( f (3) = 30.17, p < 0.001), culture ( f (3) = 30.17, p < 0.001), showbiz ( f (3) = 30.17, p < 0.001), and regional news ( f (3) = 30.17, p < 0.001). Post hoc tests reveal several significant and insignificant differences. Overall, news minimalists show significantly lower levels of attention for each type of news content in comparison to the other repertoires. Only for sports is the difference in level of attention between minimalists and online news users insignificant ( p = 0.108). News omnivores and online news users both show a higher preference for culture and showbiz than news minimalists and traditionalists. Post hoc tests reveal that this difference is only significant for showbiz. Among all news repertoires, the least attention is paid to international politics and the most attention is paid to regional news.

In sum, both news minimalists and news omnivores have no specific content preferences but show overall low (for news minimalists) or overall high (for news omnivores) attention to all types of news content. Traditionalists have a higher preference for domestic and international politics, whereas online news users have a higher preference for showbiz.

The results of a multinomial logistic regression analysis examining the background characteristics of the different types of news users are shown in table 5 . The “news minimalists,” which consist of young people who follow news the least in any type of media, are used as the reference category in the multinomial regression analysis (see table 5 ). Compared to the news minimalists, “news omnivores” are enrolled in a lower level of education, but have more interest in politics. “Traditionalists,” who score high on the use of both offline and online institutionalized news media, are often male, have more political interest, and have more political knowledge. The “online news users” are similar to the news minimalists in their low use of offline media for news consumption, but score high on the use of social and online media for news consumption. Compared to the news minimalists, this type is enrolled in a lower level of education, but has more interest in politics. The online news users are also often younger than the news minimalists.

Multinomial regression predicting membership of the classes using socio-demographics, political knowledge, and political interest

Note.—The “News Minimalists” ( n = 519) is the reference category. R 2 = 0.164 (Nagelkerke).

* p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001

ROBUSTNESS CHECKS

As a robustness check, I examined the relationship between the probability of class membership, instead of the “most likely” cluster membership of each respondent, and their news content preferences and social background characteristics. For news content preferences, the results are largely similar, only the association between preference for international politics and traditionalists, and the preference for domestic politics and being a news omnivore, are insignificant in the additional analysis. Results indicate similar distinctions in the social backgrounds of the different types of news users (analyses not displayed), except for the relation between political knowledge and online news users, in which the additional analysis shows that people with lower political knowledge are significantly more likely to be online news users.

Finally, I conducted an exploratory latent profile analysis to examine if similar latent classes were revealed as those specified by the confirmatory approach (analyses again not displayed). Findings of the exploratory approach are similar to the findings of the confirmatory approach of latent profile analysis, showing a similar typology of news users with similar media consumption patterns and similar group sizes.

This study tested whether previously established news repertoires among adults could also be identified among young people by examining their news consumption across a variety of media platforms. Second, the content preferences of each type of news user were studied to provide a more comprehensive picture of youth news repertoires. Finally, this study taps into the scholarly discussion about the digital divide as it examined whether inequalities in news consumption patterns based on educational levels also pertain to younger citizens.

In general, the findings indeed reveal four different types of news users: news minimalists, news omnivores, traditionalists, and online news users. In line with previous research, the news minimalists are the largest group and the news omnivores are the smallest group of news users ( Bos, Kruikemeier, and de Vreese 2016 ; Edgerly et al. 2018 ). However, there is still a large share of young people who turn to traditional media for news consumption. The group of traditionalists comprised about a third of the sample in this study, indicating that perhaps adolescents between the ages of 16 and 21 are still primarily socialized by their parents ( Vaala and Bleakley 2015 ), resulting in a similar traditional news-oriented repertoire as previous generations ( Edgerly et al. 2018 ). As such, the findings indeed show that previously identified news repertoires among adults remain valid among this younger subgroup of the population. However, the inclusion of social media platforms in this study showed an interesting news consumption pattern that can advance our understanding of news repertoires. News websites and news apps, as institutionalized forms of online news, were more preferred by the “traditionalists” than the “online news users,” who in in turn preferred social and interactive media and apps. As online news users do not seem to prefer all forms of online news, but mainly non-institutionalized platforms with social and interactive features, the label “social news users” might be more appropriate than “online news users.”

Furthermore, the findings suggest that the platform-based news repertoires are related to specific news content preferences. Unsurprisingly, young news minimalists pay little attention to any type of news content. In a similar line of reasoning, young news omnivores pay moderate to a lot of attention to all types of news content ( van Rees and van Eijck 2003 ; Yuan 2011 ). More notable is the finding that young traditionalists have a clear preference for news on domestic politics compared to online news users. This is in line with existing research among adult samples, which has shown that people have a clear platform preference for traditional media outlets when gathering serious information or hard news ( van Rees and van Eijck 2003 ; Hasebrink and Popp 2006 ). While hard-news-oriented repertoires have already been observed in previous studies, entertainment-oriented repertoires have not been identified before ( Jenkins 2006 ; Kim 2016 ). This might be due to the absent or minimal inclusion of online and social media platforms in previous studies. This study found that young online news users pay the most attention to entertaining news content about showbiz and celebrities. As such, it provides some preliminary evidence for an entertainment-oriented repertoire embedded in online media platforms. Yet, future research should reveal whether people first turn to their online or social media platform and then search for content that satisfies their needs or vice versa ( Kim 2016 ).

Finally, the results regarding the social background of the different types of news users introduce an interesting new perspective on the digital divide debate. Whereas previous research has found evidence for a digital divide related to educational level with regard to online media use ( van Deursen and van Dijk 2014 ), this study found that education does not matter that much. The results show that news users differ mostly with regard to their level of political interest and political knowledge, and least with regard to their level of education, which mitigates concerns about a digital divide ( van Dijk 2006 ) and similar concerns about a democratic divide ( McLeod et al. 2010 ). Even if there are social inequalities with regard to media use, findings show that higher -educated youth can be classified as news minimalists instead of lower- educated youth, who in turn are more likely to be online news users. Based on the findings of this study, gender is the most likely factor that makes inequality in news use instead of education. Results show that online news users are more often female, and traditionalists are more often male. Future research should examine the robustness of this finding and consider its implications.

This study was able to identify previous established news repertoires in an extensive and diverse sample of Dutch adolescents using a confirmatory approach. Future studies could adopt a similar confirmatory approach for more complex models that include a broader variety of factors related to the composition of news repertoires in a broader setting among both adults and youth in multiple countries. For example, future studies should include a broader range of media platforms for the identification of news repertoires, not only focusing on type of medium, but also including specific news sources with different ideological backgrounds ( Edgerly 2015 ). With regard to news content preferences, a clearer distinction could be made between certain topics (e.g., politics, economy, sports) and certain genres (e.g., hard versus soft news), to gain more detailed insights into the different levels of news content preferences ( Hasebrink and Popp 2006 ). Since the findings of this study are based on cross-sectional data, the results should be corroborated by future experimental and panel survey research. Finally, news repertoire research would benefit from combining online tracking data with self-reported survey data in order to achieve a more holistic understanding of news consumption patterns ( Möller et al. 2019 ).

Future research is needed to gain a deeper understanding of news repertoires among youth, especially with regard to newer forms of news use. Nevertheless, this study provides several novel insights in the scholarly debate about the extent to which the new media environment provides opportunities to bridge the gap in civic competence among young citizens ( Prior 2007 ; Boulianne 2009 ; van Deursen and van Dijk 2014 ). This debate has mainly centered around the question of whether the use of new media has a positive or negative impact on young people’s civic competence. The implicit question underlying this discussion is whether young people actually use new media for civic purposes. Although concerns have been raised about today’s youth turning away from (traditional) news sources and growing inequalities in news usage related to levels of education ( van Deursen and van Dijk 2014 ), this study shows otherwise.

Interestingly, a large share of young citizens actually still uses traditional media platforms to follow the news, especially those with a strong interest in domestic politics. However, those who are considered online news users have a clear preference for entertaining news content. This demonstrates that using online media does not automatically imply digital literacy ( Hobbs 2010 ). In order to develop the knowledge and skills to use new media for civic purposes and keeping up with current events, bringing digital and media literacy education into formal and informal settings seems essential. Finally, this study suggests that a digital divide does not pertain to younger citizens. Since young people nowadays are all socialized in a new media environment, educational background seems to matter less, potentially resulting in smaller social inequalities.

To identify the four-class model, an inequality constraint was placed on each corresponding item mean across classes. It is important to note that item means were not constrained to specific values, only that the means across classes would differ based on the direction of the inequality constraint. Table A1 provides an overview of the inequality constraints on the means for each news exposure item. For the offline traditional news consumption items (television news, newspapers, radio news), the mean for the traditionalists was constrained to be greater than the mean for the omnivores, and the mean for the omnivores was constrained to be greater than the mean for the minimalists and online news users. For the online traditional news consumption items (news websites and news apps), the mean for the traditionalists was constrained to be equal to the mean for the online news users, the mean for the online news users was constrained to be greater than the mean for the news omnivores, and the mean for the news omnivores was constrained to be greater than the mean for the news minimalists. For the other online and social news consumption items (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat, WhatsApp, YouTube, Google, and Wikipedia), the mean for online news users was constrained to be greater than the mean for news omnivores and the mean for the omnivores was constrained to be greater than the mean for the traditionalists and news minimalists.

Inequality constraints on means for news exposure items

Note.—Inequality constraints on each corresponding item mean across classes. Class X > class Y: mean for class X is constrained to be greater than the mean class Y. Class X = class Y: mean for class X is not constrained to be greater than the mean class Y.

The author thanks the members of the consortium of the research project “Young People, Social Media and Political Participation: Opportunity or Threat?” for their involvement and contributions. This research was supported through a grant within the “Nationale Wetenschapsagenda” (NWA) research program from the Dutch Science Foundation NWO [PIs: Rens Vliegenthart and Claes de Vreese].

In this study, the concept of news can refer to “hard” news topics, such as domestic and international politics, and to “soft” news topics, such as showbiz and sports across a variety of media platforms ( Reinemann et al. 2012 ). This broad conceptualization also reflects the types of content available on social media platforms such as Facebook ( Mitchell et al. 2013 ).

ProDemos (“House for Democracy and the Rule of Law”) is a Dutch information center that organizes guided tours in the House of Representatives, among other activities.

In 2018, the Dutch government decided that every high school student should be able to visit the House of Representatives and has subsidized the political excursion to enable this (see Ollongren, van Engelshoven, and Slob 2018 ). Although there might be some selection effect on a meso level—in that more active schools are more likely to arrange this excursion—the individual students do not show any distinctive characteristics, and therefore the bias in the sample is limited. Moreover, the survey is conducted at the start of the day of the political excursion, so the excursion itself does not affect the results.

Teacher reports indicated that 1,060 students were invited to take part in the online survey during the excursion, of which 1,008 students responded and filled out the survey. The total ProDemos panel of visiting students between October and December 2018 consisted of 9,980 students, but only a limited sample was approached due to practical constraints.

Survey completion time was under two minutes; straight-liners and nonserious answers to open questions were considered nonvalid responses.

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Media Studies Theses and Dissertations

This collection contains theses and dissertations from the Department of Media Studies, collected from the Scholarship@Western Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository

Theses/Dissertations from 2024 2024

Networks of Resistance: A Regional Analysis of Extractive Conflicts in Central America , Giada Ferrucci

Arts-Informed Storytelling: How Arts-Informed Research was Used with Six Indigenous Peoples in London, Ont. , Percy Sherwood

Theses/Dissertations from 2023 2023

Witnessing Conspiracy Theories: Developing an Intersectional Approach to Conspiracy Theory Research , David Guignion

Canadians Redefining R&B: The Online Marketing of Drake, Justin Bieber, and Jessie Reyez , Amara Pope Ms.

Theses/Dissertations from 2022 2022

Instagram Influencers and their Youngest Female Followers , Amanda Jenkins

A descriptive analysis of sport nationalism, digital media, and fandom to launch the Canadian Premier League , Farzan Mirzazadeh

Influencer Engagement Pods and the Struggle Over Measure in Instagram Platform Labour , Victoria J. O'Meara

Radiant Dreams and Nuclear Nightmares: Japanese Resistance Narratives and American Intervention in Postwar Speculative Popular Culture , Aidan J. Warlow

Theses/Dissertations from 2021 2021

More barriers than solutions: Women’s experiences of support with online abuse , Chandell E. Gosse

Heavy Metal Fundraisers: Entrepreneurial Recording Artists in Platform Capitalism , Jason Netherton

Theses/Dissertations from 2019 2019

Resistant Vulnerability in The Marvel Cinematic Universe's Captain America , Kristen Allison

Unwrapping the Toronto Christmas Market: An Examination of Tradition and Nostalgia in a Socially Constructed Space , Lydia J. Gibson

Trauma, Creativity, And Bearing Witness Through Art: Marian Kołodziej's Labyrinth , Alyssa Logie

Appropriating Play: Examining Twitch.tv as a Commercial Platform , Charlotte Panneton

Dead Men Walking: An Analysis of Working-Class Masculinity in Post-2008 Hollywood Film , Ryan Schroeder

Glocalization in China: An Analysis of Coca-Cola’s Brand Co-Creation Process with Consumers in China , Yinuo Shi

Critiquing the New Autonomy of Immaterial Labour: An Analysis of Work in the Artificial Intelligence Industry , James Steinhoff

Watching and Working Through: Navigating Non-being in Television Storytelling , Tiara Lalita Sukhan

Theses/Dissertations from 2018 2018

Hone the Means of Production: Craft Antagonism and Domination in the Journalistic Labour Process of Freelance Writers , Robert Bertuzzi

Invisible Labour: Support-Service Workers in India’s Information Technology Industry , Indranil Chakraborty

Exhibiting Human Rights: Making the Means of Dignity Visible , Amy J. Freier

Industrial Stagecraft: Tooling and Cultural Production , Jennifer A. Hambleton

Cultural Hybridity in the Contemporary Korean Popular Culture through the Practice of Genre Transformation , Kyunghee Kim

Theses/Dissertations from 2017 2017

Regarding Aid: The photographic situation of humanitarianism , Sonya de Laat

The Representation of the Canadian Government’s Warrantless Domestic Collection of Metadata in the Canadian Print News Media , Alan Del Pino

(Not) One of the Boys: A Case Study of Female Detectives on HBO , Darcy Griffin

Pitching the Feminist Voice: A Critique of Contemporary Consumer Feminism , Kate Hoad-Reddick

Local-Global Tensions: Professional Experience, Role Perceptions and Image Production of Afghan Photojournalists Working for a Global Audience , Saumava Mitra

A place for locative media: A theoretical framework for assessing locative media use in urban environments , Darryl A. Pieber

Mapping the Arab Diaspora: Examining Placelessness and Memory in Arab Art , Shahad Rashid

Settler Colonial Ways of Seeing: Documentary Governance of Indigenous Life in Canada and its Disruption , Danielle Taschereau Mamers

Theses/Dissertations from 2016 2016

Finding Your Way: Navigating Online News and Opinions , Charlotte Britten

Law and Abuse: Representations of Intimate Partner Homicide in Law Procedural Dramas , Jaime A. Campbell

Creative Management: Disciplining the Neoliberal Worker , Trent Cruz

No hay Sólo un Idioma, No hay Sólo una Voz: A Revisionist History of Chicana/os and Latina/os in Punk , Richard C. Davila

Shifting Temporalities: The Construction of Flexible Subjectivities through Part-time Retail Workers’ Use of Smartphone Technology , Jessica Fanning

Becoming Sonic: Ambient Poetics and the Ecology of Listening in Four Militant Sound Investigations , David C. Jackson

Capital's Media: The Physical Conditions of Circulation , Atle Mikkola Kjøsen

On the Internet by Means of Popular Music: The Cases of Grimes and Childish Gambino , Kristopher R. K. Ohlendorf

Believing the News: Exploring How Young Canadians Make Decisions About Their News Consumption , Jessica Thom

Theses/Dissertations from 2015 2015

Narrative Epic and New Media: The Totalizing Spaces of Postmodernity in The Wire, Batman, and The Legend of Zelda , Luke Arnott

Canada: Multiculturalism, Religion, and Accommodation , Brittainy R. Bonnis

Navigating the Social Landscape: An Exploration of Social Networking Site Usage among Emerging Adults , Kristen Colbeck

Impassioned Objects And Seething Absences: The Olympics In Canada, National Identity and Consumer Culture , Estee Fresco

Satirical News and Political Subversiveness: A Critical Approach to The Daily Show and The Colbert Report , Roberto Leclerc

"When [S]He is Working [S]He is Not at Home": Challenging Assumptions About Remote Work , Eric Lohman

Heating Up the Debate: E-cigarettes and Instagram , Stephanie L. Ritter

Limitation to Innovation in the North American Console Video Game Industry 2001-2013: A Critical Analysis , Michael Schmalz

Happiest People Alive: An Analysis of Class and Gender in the Trinidad Carnival , Asha L. St. Bernard

Human-Machinic Assemblages: Technologies, Bodies, and the Recuperation of Social Reproduction in the Crisis Era , Elise D. Thorburn

Theses/Dissertations from 2014 2014

Evangelizing the ‘Gallery of the Future’: a Critical Analysis of the Google Art Project Narrative and its Political, Cultural and Technological Stakes , Alanna Bayer

Face Value: Beyond the Surface of Brand Philanthropy and the Cultural Production of the M.A.C AIDS Fund , Andrea Benoit

Cultivating Better Brains: Transhumanism and its Critics on the Ethics of Enhancement Via Brain-computer Interfacing , Matthew Devlin

Man Versus Food: An Analysis of 'Dude Food' Television and Public Health , Amy R. Eisner-Levine

Media Literacy and the English as a Second Language Curriculum: A Curricular Critique and Dreams for the Future , Clara R. Madrenas

Fantasizing Disability: Representation of loss and limitation in Popular Television and Film , Jeffrey M. Preston

(Un)Covering Suicide: The Changing Ethical Norms in Canadian Journalism , Gemma Richardson

Labours Of Love: Affect, Fan Labour, And The Monetization Of Fandom , Jennifer Spence

'What's in a List?' Cultural Techniques, Logistics, Poeisis , Liam Cole Young

Theses/Dissertations from 2013 2013

Distinguishing the 'Vanguard' from the 'Insipid': Exploring the Valorization of Mainstream Popular Music in Online Indie Music Criticism , Charles J. Blazevic

Anonymous: Polemics and Non-identity , Samuel Chiang

Manufacturing Legitimacy: A Critical Theory of Election News Coverage , Gabriel N. Elias

The Academic Grind: A Critique of Creative and Collaborative Discourses Between Digital Games Industries and Post-Secondary Education in Canada , Owen R. Livermore

We’re on This Road Together: The Changing Fan/Producer Relationship in Television as Demonstrated by Supernatural , Lisa Macklem

Brave New Wireless World: Mapping the Rise of Ubiquitous Connectivity from Myth to Market , Vincent R. Manzerolle

Promotional Ubiquitous Musics: New Identities and Emerging Markets in the Digitalizing Music Industry , Leslie Meier

Money, Morals, and Human Rights: Commercial Influences in the Marketing, Branding, and Fundraising of Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch , Danielle Morgan

If I Had a Hammer: An Archeology of Tactical Media From the Hootenanny to the People's Microphone , Henry Adam Svec

Theses/Dissertations from 2012 2012

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• v.12(6); 2020 Jun

Social Media Use and Its Connection to Mental Health: A Systematic Review

Fazida karim.

1 Psychology, California Institute of Behavioral Neurosciences and Psychology, Fairfield, USA

2 Business & Management, University Sultan Zainal Abidin, Terengganu, MYS

Azeezat A Oyewande

3 Family Medicine, California Institute of Behavioral Neurosciences and Psychology, Fairfield, USA

4 Family Medicine, Lagos State Health Service Commission/Alimosho General Hospital, Lagos, NGA

Lamis F Abdalla

5 Internal Medicine, California Institute of Behavioral Neurosciences and Psychology, Fairfield, USA

Reem Chaudhry Ehsanullah

Safeera khan.

Social media are responsible for aggravating mental health problems. This systematic study summarizes the effects of social network usage on mental health. Fifty papers were shortlisted from google scholar databases, and after the application of various inclusion and exclusion criteria, 16 papers were chosen and all papers were evaluated for quality. Eight papers were cross-sectional studies, three were longitudinal studies, two were qualitative studies, and others were systematic reviews. Findings were classified into two outcomes of mental health: anxiety and depression. Social media activity such as time spent to have a positive effect on the mental health domain. However, due to the cross-sectional design and methodological limitations of sampling, there are considerable differences. The structure of social media influences on mental health needs to be further analyzed through qualitative research and vertical cohort studies.

Introduction and background

Human beings are social creatures that require the companionship of others to make progress in life. Thus, being socially connected with other people can relieve stress, anxiety, and sadness, but lack of social connection can pose serious risks to mental health [ 1 ].

Social media

Social media has recently become part of people's daily activities; many of them spend hours each day on Messenger, Instagram, Facebook, and other popular social media. Thus, many researchers and scholars study the impact of social media and applications on various aspects of people’s lives [ 2 ]. Moreover, the number of social media users worldwide in 2019 is 3.484 billion, up 9% year-on-year [ 3 - 5 ]. A statistic in Figure  1  shows the gender distribution of social media audiences worldwide as of January 2020, sorted by platform. It was found that only 38% of Twitter users were male but 61% were using Snapchat. In contrast, females were more likely to use LinkedIn and Facebook. There is no denying that social media has now become an important part of many people's lives. Social media has many positive and enjoyable benefits, but it can also lead to mental health problems. Previous research found that age did not have an effect but gender did; females were much more likely to experience mental health than males [ 6 , 7 ].

Impact on mental health

Mental health is defined as a state of well-being in which people understand their abilities, solve everyday life problems, work well, and make a significant contribution to the lives of their communities [ 8 ]. There is debated presently going on regarding the benefits and negative impacts of social media on mental health [ 9 , 10 ]. Social networking is a crucial element in protecting our mental health. Both the quantity and quality of social relationships affect mental health, health behavior, physical health, and mortality risk [ 9 ]. The Displaced Behavior Theory may help explain why social media shows a connection with mental health. According to the theory, people who spend more time in sedentary behaviors such as social media use have less time for face-to-face social interaction, both of which have been proven to be protective against mental disorders [ 11 , 12 ]. On the other hand, social theories found how social media use affects mental health by influencing how people view, maintain, and interact with their social network [ 13 ]. A number of studies have been conducted on the impacts of social media, and it has been indicated that the prolonged use of social media platforms such as Facebook may be related to negative signs and symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress [ 10 - 15 ]. Furthermore, social media can create a lot of pressure to create the stereotype that others want to see and also being as popular as others.

The need for a systematic review

Systematic studies can quantitatively and qualitatively identify, aggregate, and evaluate all accessible data to generate a warm and accurate response to the research questions involved [ 4 ]. In addition, many existing systematic studies related to mental health studies have been conducted worldwide. However, only a limited number of studies are integrated with social media and conducted in the context of social science because the available literature heavily focused on medical science [ 6 ]. Because social media is a relatively new phenomenon, the potential links between their use and mental health have not been widely investigated.

This paper attempt to systematically review all the relevant literature with the aim of filling the gap by examining social media impact on mental health, which is sedentary behavior, which, if in excess, raises the risk of health problems [ 7 , 9 , 12 ]. This study is important because it provides information on the extent of the focus of peer review literature, which can assist the researchers in delivering a prospect with the aim of understanding the future attention related to climate change strategies that require scholarly attention. This study is very useful because it provides information on the extent to which peer review literature can assist researchers in presenting prospects with a view to understanding future concerns related to mental health strategies that require scientific attention. The development of the current systematic review is based on the main research question: how does social media affect mental health?

Research strategy

The research was conducted to identify studies analyzing the role of social media on mental health. Google Scholar was used as our main database to find the relevant articles. Keywords that were used for the search were: (1) “social media”, (2) “mental health”, (3) “social media” AND “mental health”, (4) “social networking” AND “mental health”, and (5) “social networking” OR “social media” AND “mental health” (Table  1 ).

Out of the results in Table  1 , a total of 50 articles relevant to the research question were selected. After applying the inclusion and exclusion criteria, duplicate papers were removed, and, finally, a total of 28 articles were selected for review (Figure  2 ).

PRISMA, Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses

Inclusion and exclusion criteria

Peer-reviewed, full-text research papers from the past five years were included in the review. All selected articles were in English language and any non-peer-reviewed and duplicate papers were excluded from finally selected articles.

Of the 16 selected research papers, there were a research focus on adults, gender, and preadolescents [ 10 - 19 ]. In the design, there were qualitative and quantitative studies [ 15 , 16 ]. There were three systematic reviews and one thematic analysis that explored the better or worse of using social media among adolescents [ 20 - 23 ]. In addition, eight were cross-sectional studies and only three were longitudinal studies [ 24 - 29 ].The meta-analyses included studies published beyond the last five years in this population. Table  2  presents a selection of studies from the review.

IGU, internet gaming disorder; PSMU, problematic social media use

This study has attempted to systematically analyze the existing literature on the effect of social media use on mental health. Although the results of the study were not completely consistent, this review found a general association between social media use and mental health issues. Although there is positive evidence for a link between social media and mental health, the opposite has been reported.

For example, a previous study found no relationship between the amount of time spent on social media and depression or between social media-related activities, such as the number of online friends and the number of “selfies”, and depression [ 29 ]. Similarly, Neira and Barber found that while higher investment in social media (e.g. active social media use) predicted adolescents’ depressive symptoms, no relationship was found between the frequency of social media use and depressed mood [ 28 ].

In the 16 studies, anxiety and depression were the most commonly measured outcome. The prominent risk factors for anxiety and depression emerging from this study comprised time spent, activity, and addiction to social media. In today's world, anxiety is one of the basic mental health problems. People liked and commented on their uploaded photos and videos. In today's age, everyone is immune to the social media context. Some teens experience anxiety from social media related to fear of loss, which causes teens to try to respond and check all their friends' messages and messages on a regular basis.

On the contrary, depression is one of the unintended significances of unnecessary use of social media. In detail, depression is limited not only to Facebooks but also to other social networking sites, which causes psychological problems. A new study found that individuals who are involved in social media, games, texts, mobile phones, etc. are more likely to experience depression.

The previous study found a 70% increase in self-reported depressive symptoms among the group using social media. The other social media influence that causes depression is sexual fun [ 12 ]. The intimacy fun happens when social media promotes putting on a facade that highlights the fun and excitement but does not tell us much about where we are struggling in our daily lives at a deeper level [ 28 ]. Another study revealed that depression and time spent on Facebook by adolescents are positively correlated [ 22 ]. More importantly, symptoms of major depression have been found among the individuals who spent most of their time in online activities and performing image management on social networking sites [ 14 ].

Another study assessed gender differences in associations between social media use and mental health. Females were found to be more addicted to social media as compared with males [ 26 ]. Passive activity in social media use such as reading posts is more strongly associated with depression than doing active use like making posts [ 23 ]. Other important findings of this review suggest that other factors such as interpersonal trust and family functioning may have a greater influence on the symptoms of depression than the frequency of social media use [ 28 , 29 ].

Limitation and suggestion

The limitations and suggestions were identified by the evidence involved in the study and review process. Previously, 7 of the 16 studies were cross-sectional and slightly failed to determine the causal relationship between the variables of interest. Given the evidence from cross-sectional studies, it is not possible to conclude that the use of social networks causes mental health problems. Only three longitudinal studies examined the causal relationship between social media and mental health, which is hard to examine if the mental health problem appeared more pronounced in those who use social media more compared with those who use it less or do not use at all [ 19 , 20 , 24 ]. Next, despite the fact that the proposed relationship between social media and mental health is complex, a few studies investigated mediating factors that may contribute or exacerbate this relationship. Further investigations are required to clarify the underlying factors that help examine why social media has a negative impact on some peoples’ mental health, whereas it has no or positive effect on others’ mental health.

Conclusions

Social media is a new study that is rapidly growing and gaining popularity. Thus, there are many unexplored and unexpected constructive answers associated with it. Lately, studies have found that using social media platforms can have a detrimental effect on the psychological health of its users. However, the extent to which the use of social media impacts the public is yet to be determined. This systematic review has found that social media envy can affect the level of anxiety and depression in individuals. In addition, other potential causes of anxiety and depression have been identified, which require further exploration.

The importance of such findings is to facilitate further research on social media and mental health. In addition, the information obtained from this study can be helpful not only to medical professionals but also to social science research. The findings of this study suggest that potential causal factors from social media can be considered when cooperating with patients who have been diagnosed with anxiety or depression. Also, if the results from this study were used to explore more relationships with another construct, this could potentially enhance the findings to reduce anxiety and depression rates and prevent suicide rates from occurring.

The content published in Cureus is the result of clinical experience and/or research by independent individuals or organizations. Cureus is not responsible for the scientific accuracy or reliability of data or conclusions published herein. All content published within Cureus is intended only for educational, research and reference purposes. Additionally, articles published within Cureus should not be deemed a suitable substitute for the advice of a qualified health care professional. Do not disregard or avoid professional medical advice due to content published within Cureus.

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Media Consumption and Its Role in Society Essay

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
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How Media Consumption Shapes Our Personal Lives in Comparison to the 20 th Century and the Role of Media in Society

There are numerous ways to transfer and obtain information that is currently known to humans. Nonetheless, it was not like this all the time. Even throughout the previous century, society was way more limited in terms of how they could obtain certain information or transfer it to someone else. While the quick pace of technological revolution shaped our perceptions regarding the ways of conveying all kinds of data, there is still the question of how effective were data transmitting practices back in the day and what are the differences that make the modern practices either good or bad. Therefore, the current paper will serve as a possibility to investigate the two outlooks on the processes of exchanging and obtaining information.

This is going to be done in the form of comparative analysis to ensure that both my and an older relative’s opinions regarding the use of mass media are included in the evaluation. Much attention will be given to the use of social media and mass media (newspapers, TV, radio, Facebook, etc.). The interview will be conducted in person. It is vital to mention that the comparison is based on the idea that the focus of research is on mass media consumption that took place when the older family member was younger. The analysis will include the most predominant mass media sources that were used, how frequently they were addressed, and what were the benefits and disadvantages of those information sources. This research paper is designed to investigate the question of inter-generational differences in media usage and consumption and allow the researcher either to prove or disprove the usefulness of numerous social and mass media information sources that are currently available to humans.

To start with, the relative mentioned that there was a limited number of information resources available to them at that time. Those sources included black and white TV (Cable Network of Egypt), several local newspapers (The Egyptian Gazette and Egypt Today), and a resident radio station (102.2 MHz Greater Cairo Radio). He said that it was rather interesting to see how there was no particular development of these sources and the majority of news tended to spread by word of mouth. Nonetheless, the relative also mentioned that the information presented in the local newspapers was always relevant and on point. One of the most important aspects regarding the times when my relative was younger was that there might be a situation where “each source could share their interpretation of the facts,” and the news would turn out to be different among all sources (relative’s name, personal communication, November 19, 2017).

It was also surprising to find out that my older relative did not watch TV a lot. Particularly, this might have happened because “there were only two channels that broadcasted in the area” and there was no reason to spend all the time watching the TV when all the latest news could be learned from the local newspapers (relative’s name, personal communication, November 19, 2017). One of the points that also surprised me as a member of the younger generation was the frequency of my relative checking the latest news – two-three times per day. Nevertheless, the relative stated that “it could have been worse not to have many sources of information at all” and I can agree with it (relative’s name, personal communication, November 19, 2017). Accordingly, he also added that the lack of information sources did not hurt his life at that time. Instead, “the balance between the real-life and subjective news” was identified as practically perfect (relative’s name, personal communication, November 19, 2017).

At the same time, it was rather exciting to see that my outlook regarding the use of social and mass media was different. From what I can tell, I do not watch TV at all, and I rarely consult our local newspapers. For the most part, this happens because I do not see these information sources as useful. Instead, I spend the majority of my time checking on my Facebook timeline and the Twitter feed to be aware of the latest news. The current technologies allow us to stay updated and learn about the latest events and incidents within a matter of seconds. The high-paced rhythm of my life also leaves an imprint on my interaction with different information sources. Another social media network that seriously contributes to my awareness regarding the latest news from around the world is Instagram.

In a graphic form, it presents all the data, and I am used to checking the app for the latest events and updates for at least ten times per day. The same goes for Twitter and Facebook because, in reality, different social networks cover different stories from all corners of the globe. For me, there is nothing more important than finding out the latest news using a huge variety of social media applications. I do not see any advantages in the use of mass media such as TV, newspapers, and radio. These three share the same information at the same time and do not provide the end-user with a possibility to learn different things within a matter of seconds. If I had to pick one, I would go with the radio because this information source reaches out to a rather large audience and broadcasts in real-time.

When it comes to the inter-generational differences between the perception of mass media and social media, there are not as many as one would assume. First of all, the older generation was exposed to the lack of choice as they had to stick to the information sources that they had (here, one should also consider the fact that all information providers shared the same data). On the other hand, the younger generation has all the possibilities to choose their preferred means of learning the latest news and disregard conventional methods such as the radio, TV, and newspapers. For the majority of the younger population, the use of these outdated means of obtaining the latest updates is confusing. Another key difference between the older and the younger perceptions is the idea that the modern population can live without newspapers, for example, while the older population could not (practically because they had no other options if they wanted to be aware of the state of affairs).

Even though the chances to be the first to obtain the latest information have increased lately, the chances to get caught up in a news hoax have done the same (Damasio, Henriques, Da Silva, Pacheco, & Brites, 2015). Therefore, I can claim that the information sources that were available to the older relative were more consistent even when being slightly misleading. In the case of the modern news, I refer to them much more frequently, but there is a higher chance that this news will not have any practical value. If we compare the levels of media consumption, we will see that the younger generation is more willing to spend their time looking for the latest news on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and numerous other social networks. The most interesting fact is that we gradually become attached to these applications and the overall point of checking social network updates so often is to support the habit and not learn something new (Damasio et al., 2015).

To conclude, it may be stated that how the younger generation deals with news sources completely differ from the practices of their older counterparts. It was found that the inter-generational differences in terms of interaction with mass media and social media exist and have to be perceived as one of the consequences of technological progress. The usefulness of the modern news sources cannot be evaluated merely based on the conducted interview. Nonetheless, it can be stated that the role of the networks as information providers has changed significantly and our attitudes toward the use of mass media and social media have transformed as well. Based on the obtained data, I can claim that there are several major differences in terms of dealing with information sources between the older and younger generations, but they are only subject to the fast pace of the technological revolution and not the individuals’ attitude toward certain data sources or social networks.

Damasio, M. J., Henriques, S., Da Silva, M. T., Pacheco, L., & Brites, M. J. (2015). Media audiences – between old broadcast media and new networked media: Materiality and media consumption practices. International Journal of Communication , 9 , 26.

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IvyPanda. (2020, October 12). Media Consumption and Its Role in Society. https://ivypanda.com/essays/media-consumption-and-its-role-in-society/

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1. IvyPanda . "Media Consumption and Its Role in Society." October 12, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/media-consumption-and-its-role-in-society/.

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The impact of social media marketing on consumer engagement in sustainable consumption: a systematic literature review.

1. Introduction

2. materials and methods, 2.1. assessing appropriateness of the search keywords, 2.2. assessing relevance, 2.3. assessing quality, 3. general overview of articles included in this review, 3.1. publication trends, 3.2. classification of articles, 4. meta-textual method, 4.1. theories, 4.1.1. relationship marketing and consumer engagement, 4.1.2. social exchange, 4.1.3. sustainable consumption, 4.1.4. uses and gratification, 4.1.5. other theories, 4.2. context, 4.3. methods, 5. variables used in the reviewed research studies, 5.1. independent variables, 5.2. dependent variables, 5.3. control variables, 5.4. moderating variables, 6. discussion, 6.1. limitations, 6.2. future research directions, 7. conclusions, author contributions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

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Share and Cite

Bryła, P.; Chatterjee, S.; Ciabiada-Bryła, B. The Impact of Social Media Marketing on Consumer Engagement in Sustainable Consumption: A Systematic Literature Review. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2022 , 19 , 16637. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph192416637

Bryła P, Chatterjee S, Ciabiada-Bryła B. The Impact of Social Media Marketing on Consumer Engagement in Sustainable Consumption: A Systematic Literature Review. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health . 2022; 19(24):16637. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph192416637

Bryła, Paweł, Shuvam Chatterjee, and Beata Ciabiada-Bryła. 2022. "The Impact of Social Media Marketing on Consumer Engagement in Sustainable Consumption: A Systematic Literature Review" International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 24: 16637. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph192416637

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Social Media and News Consumption

This paper analyzes how the audience for internet news varies with the source of the referral, comparing the audience when users navigate directly to news outlets to that when users are referred by social media. On average, the audience referred by social media reads different types of articles, for example, articles with more emotional content and articles that show an individuals perspective. We find that much of the difference in audience can be explained by the fact that different types of users use social media as a news source with different propensities, and further different topics are consumed on social media. We also study the problem from the user perspective showing that a given user is more likely to consume news that aligns with their political preferences (as revealed through their past browsing) through social media. That is, social media seems to exacerbate polarization in information consumption. The paper develops a novel methodology for categorizing news at a large scale, combining text mining and crowd sourcing techniques. With these methods we are able to provide evidence about a variety of qualitative features of news consumption at a large scale, including subtle factors such as whether an article is of a type would typically be shared to impress one’s social media friends.

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Media Consumption

Internet news takes off.

Introduction and Summary The Pew Research Center’s biennial news use survey finds that overall Americans are reading, watching and listening to the news just as often as they were two years ago. But the type of news Americans follow and the way they follow it are being fundamentally reshaped by technological change and the post-Cold […]

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Presentation Master's Thesis - Janina Baumer - Developmental Psychology

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Social media has become an integral part of daily life, particularly among youth. However, problems may arise when social media use resembles the criteria of a behavioral addiction. Adolescents and emerging adults with ADHD symptoms are especially vulnerable to problematic social media use, although the underlying mechanisms of this relationship remain unknown. 

Using a sample of 105 emerging adults, this study investigated whether the triple pathway model of ADHD can elucidate this relationship. The model’s three components underlying the cognitive profile of ADHD—dysregulated inhibitory control, delay aversion, and temporal processing deficits—have previously been associated with problematic social media use, pointing to the possibility of functioning as potential mechanisms. It was hypothesized that inhibitory control impairments, delay aversion, and temporal processing deficits mediate the relationship between ADHD symptoms and problematic social media use in emerging adults.

Newsom is right to seek limits on phone use in…

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Newsom is right to seek limits on phone use in schools, it’s time to finally act on all the evidence that phones and social media have warped our kids.

Her thesis: “The advent of the smartphone and its cousin the tablet was followed quickly by hand-wringing about the deleterious effects of ‘screen time.’ But the impact of these devices has not been fully appreciated … . The arrival of the smartphone has radically changed every aspect of teenagers’ lives, from the nature of their social interactions to their mental health. …  The trends appear among teens poor and rich; of every ethnic background; in cities, suburbs and small towns. Where there are cell towers, there are teens living their lives on their smartphone.”

The piece got a mixed response — and dismissive critics extended beyond the powerful tech firms profiting from phone addictions. Some saw it as alarmism driven by technological ignorance. Some saw it as akin to overblown concerns about the societal impacts of cars, radio and TV in the early and middle 20th century. But here’s who grimly nodded to themselves and said Twenge is right: readers who were among the parents of millions of kids whose middle school and high school experiences often required navigating a gauntlet of phone-driven bullying, derision and cruelty.

Given this history, it is far past time for sharp limits to be put on smartphone use in schools. That is why all should welcome Gov. Gavin Newsom’s announcement Tuesday that he would work with the state Legislature to pass a bill toward that end before it adjourned in August. Newsom, who had to pull one of his four children out of school because of vicious online posts, offered no specifics. And he will certainly face some parental opposition if he tries to entirely ban kids’ access to smartphones while at school. In an era of terrifying, intermittent massacres at U.S. schools, many parents want to be able to hear from their kids instantly. That also holds for parents of children with health issues.

But there are obvious solutions in sight. It is hardly a daunting technological challenge to set up controls on phones that prevent their use for anything but contacting relatives or 911 during the school day. No more sharing cruel gossip about classmates — or videos of fights staged or incited solely to create in-demand content. No more playing of video games. No more ready access to pornography.

Schools that have imposed such limits have quickly seen improvements in student behavior and academics. In Naples, Florida, a private K-12 school reported a 94 percent drop in mental health interventions over a two-year period as well as gains in test scores. In a suburb of Albany, N.Y., a public high school saw its culture “completely transformed,” in the words of its principal, after students were no longer able to instantly share every in-school dispute, insult or provocation.

So let’s follow suit. Newsom is far from the only lawmaker who wants major changes. State Sen. Henry Stern, D-Calabasas, and Assemblymember Josh Hoover, R-Folsom, have been outspoken on the topic. Here’s hoping that other elected leaders only starting with those from the San Diego area quickly offer their support.

Author Jonathan Haidt has called “the rewiring of childhood … the largest uncontrolled experiment humanity has ever performed on its own children.” It’s time to address — and repair — the consequences of this experiment.

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