research on personality change in early adulthood suggests that

Development of Personality in Adulthood: A Behavioral Genetic Perspective

First Online: 18 March 2021

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research on personality change in early adulthood suggests that

Lindsay Matteson 4 &
Matt McGue 4

Part of the book series: Advances in Behavior Genetics ((AIBG))

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2 Citations

Developmental researchers study the psychological changes that occur across the life span, how these changes influence behavior, and the processes that drive these changes. The research interests of developmentalists vary across many domains, but at the heart of developmental research is the study of maturity; in no domain is this clearer than in personality research. In this chapter, we will focus first on describing the changes in personality that occur across the life span and then we will discuss possible causal mechanisms of change. Behavior genetic methodology is particularly suited for investigation of such causal mechanisms (Caspi et al. Personality development: stability and change. In: Annual review of psychology. Annual Reviews, Palo Alto, vol 56, pp 453–484, 2005), and researchers have recently begun to incorporate biometric modeling and large-scale genomics into their longitudinal studies. Consequently, this chapter is devoted to describing behavior genetic research on the development of personality.

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Matteson, L., McGue, M. (2020). Development of Personality in Adulthood: A Behavioral Genetic Perspective. In: Saudino, K.J., Ganiban, J.M. (eds) Behavior Genetics of Temperament and Personality. Advances in Behavior Genetics. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-0716-0933-0_2

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Development of personality in early and middle adulthood: set like plaster or persistent change?

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Different theories make different predictions about how mean levels of personality traits change in adulthood. The biological view of the Five-factor theory proposes the plaster hypothesis: All personality traits stop changing by age 30. In contrast, contextualist perspectives propose that changes should be more varied and should persist throughout adulthood. This study compared these perspectives in a large (N = 132,515) sample of adults aged 21-60 who completed a Big Five personality measure on the Internet. Conscientiousness and Agreeableness increased throughout early and middle adulthood at varying rates; Neuroticism declined among women but did not change among men. The variety in patterns of change suggests that the Big Five traits are complex phenomena subject to a variety of developmental influences.

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Published: 18 June 2022

Childhood temperament and adulthood personality differentially predict life outcomes

Amanda J. Wright 1 &
Joshua J. Jackson 1

Scientific Reports volume 12 , Article number: 10286 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Human behaviour

Debate has long surrounded whether temperament and personality are distinct sets of individual differences or are rather two sides of the same coin. To the extent that there are differences, it could indicate important developmental insights concerning the mechanisms responsible for linking traits with outcomes. One way to test this is to examine the joint and incremental predictive validity of temperament and personality in the same individuals across time. Using a longitudinal sample spanning 3 decades starting at infancy and followed up to 37 years old ( N = 7081), we ran a series of Bayesian generalized linear models with measures of childhood temperament and adult-based personality to predict outcomes in several life domains. Results indicated that while each set of individual differences were often related to the same outcomes, there were instances in which temperament provided incremental validity above adult personality, ranging from 2 to 10% additional variance explained. Personality in childhood explained the most variance for outcomes such as cognitive ability and educational attainment whereas personality performed best for outcomes such as health status, substance use, and most internalizing outcomes. These findings indicate childhood and adulthood assessments of personality are not redundant and that a lifespan approach is needed to understand fully understand life outcomes.

Disentangling the personality pathways to well-being

Parental personality and early life ecology: a prospective cohort study from preconception to postpartum

The process and mechanisms of personality change

Debate has historically surrounded whether childhood and adult personality are two sides of the same coin 1 , 2 , 3 , but despite the history of controversy, evidence indicates there is considerable overlap in childhood and adulthood personality traits 4 , 5 . If it were the case that adult personality is merely a later form of personality in childhood, one would reasonably expect an individual’s earlier temperament and later personality to predict similar life outcomes and/or show redundant predictive validity. However, if there are predictive differences, this would point to a number of developmental insights concerning the mechanisms responsible for linking individual differences with life outcomes.

While childhood temperament does predict later adult outcomes 6 , 7 , 8 , it is unclear whether child and adult assessments are redundant in the prediction of life outcomes as no study has directly examined this question. Using a large-scale representative sample over 30 years, we directly test the incremental predictive validity of childhood temperament above later adult-based personality to assess the uniqueness between the two types of age-graded individual differences.

Does it matter when we assess personality?

Given that personality is moderately consistent across the lifespan 9 , 10 , it is important to identify when personality is most important. Child and adult personality prediction of life outcomes can yield a number of patterns, each suggesting different mechanisms linking personality with life outcomes.

First, the “it doesn’t matter when” pattern describes that if one wanted to predict outcomes with personality, any assessment across the lifespan would suffice. If childhood and adult personality traits equivalently predict future life outcomes, this would suggest the mechanisms linking traits measured at distinct points of individuals’ lives operate similarly and, ultimately, yield equal predictions of future outcomes. In support of this perspective, both childhood and adulthood personality assessments predict similar outcomes 5 , 6 , 8 , 11 .

A second possible pattern of associations is “all that matters is where you end up.” Whereas the previous pattern emphasizes the redundancy of assessments, this perspective suggests the strongest associations for assessments of personality are those closest in time to the outcomes they are trying to predict. As with any developmental processes, time introduces noise into the system. The result of this introduction of noise is that it continually builds and accumulates. This error generating process is (partly) the reason why decades-long longitudinal associations are weaker and harder to come by than associations closer in time 12 . This perspective puts emphasis on adulthood, and subsequently neglects childhood, as being relevant to understanding adult life outcomes such as health, wealth, and well-being.

The third pattern is the “it’s where you start and finish.” In contrast to the above pattern, this third perspective is that of a lifespan approach. It emphasizes that it is necessary to understand who an individual is throughout their entire life to best understand their current and future development. With this approach in mind, it becomes readily apparent that childhood personality is a rich source of individual differences that are inextricably related to an individual’s status in life at any point in time.

Importantly, past studies provide a reasonable basis for expecting child and adult personality to uniquely predict outcomes. This notion is supported in part by the fact that although there is nonzero stability from childhood to adult personality, these associations tend to be modest 10 , thus allowing for within- and between-person change. Hill et al. 13 outlined three overlapping processes that serve as potential mechanisms by which childhood personality differentially predict future adult outcomes compared to adult-based personality measures.

First, the opportunities and snares hypothesis suggest that there are child-relevant events and situations directly associated with adult outcomes 13 . Personality at this time is important because one cannot make up for lost time if these opportunities are passed. Childhood personality plays an important role in developmental branching such that it predisposes them to take certain paths in life. Taking certain paths early in life restricts the ease of or ability to take other paths later in life, which emphasizes the widespread, downstream consequences of this early-life branching. For example, children who score higher in effortful control tend to do better and work harder in school 14 , 15 . These children are then more likely to obtain higher levels of education 16 , which itself predicts other future positive outcomes. In comparison, children who score lower on related traits are more likely to engage in substance use 17 , 18 , which itself predicts even more frequent substance use and other delinquent behaviors in adulthood 19 .

Second, the differential maturation hypothesis posits that the trajectories and rates of personality development and change experienced prior to adulthood can affect future outcomes 13 . At the core of this idea lies individual differences in rates of change during childhood. If people change at different rates, then having multiple assessments of a construct is important. Third, the differential pathways hypothesis describes those pathways that explain why personality affects future success may differ across the lifespan 13 . For example, it might be expected that the effects of personality on income are mostly driven by adult personality trait levels (e.g., working productively versus counterproductive work behaviors 20 , 21 ). However, the paths linking personality and financial success may begin much earlier in life such as through greater educational attainment.

Current study

In a longitudinal study of more than 7000 individuals assessed from birth to adulthood, we predicted outcomes in several life domains (e.g., health, relationships, career) using multi-method assessments of child and adult personality measured upwards of 30 years apart. We address two key questions, both from the lens of explaining variance in outcomes: (1) does temperament predict outcomes in adulthood and (2) does childhood temperament predict outcomes above and beyond adult-based personality? It should be noted that the terms “temperament” and “personality” are sometimes used interchangeably in the literature. For simplicity, we use the term “temperament” to refer to the assessment of individual differences in childhood. However, at its core, temperament reflects individual differences in children’s behavior and tendencies, which is consistent with the traditional definition of personality 5 . Thus, we ultimately consider this manuscript to be a test of the incremental predictive validity of childhood personality relative to adulthood personality.

Participants

Participants consisted of 7081 individuals from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979—Child and Young Adult (NLSY79-CYA) sample. The National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY79) is an ongoing longitudinal study conducted by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). The NLSY79 began in 1979 and consisted of a (then) nationally representative sample of 12,686 men and women who were all 14 to 21 years of age 22 . As of 2018, the women of the NLSY79 were between the ages of 53 to 62 and there were 11,545 children born to the NLSY79 mothers. The NLSY79-CYA sample consists of the offspring of the original mothers of the NLSY79 sample.

Across all waves, ages ranged from infancy (0 years old) to 37 years ( M = 15.24, SD = 8.78). The average age in our sample at the final measurement occasion was 27.73 years old ( SD = 4.87, Min = 15, Max = 37). Among participants, 39.4% of the sample identified as white ( N = 2792), 36.2% as Black ( N = 2564), 23.4% as Hispanic/Latinx ( N = 1658), and 1.0% other ( N = 67). There were 3594 males (50.8%) and 3487 females (49.2%). The last wave of data in our study was collected in 2016.

Participants were included in the present study if they had measures of childhood temperament and adult-based personality. Since this is a large panel study, participants who complete one measure are expected to have data for other measures at the same timepoint (i.e., if participants had personality data, they also had outcome data). Thus, attrition analyses were conducted that compared individuals who only had temperament data versus those who were included in the present study (i.e., had temperament and adult-based personality data). Compared to individuals included in our study ( N = 7081), participants who only had temperament data ( n = 2039) scored lower on fearfulness ( t (1454) = 3.60, p < 0.001, d = − 0.12), higher on insecure attachment ( t (2567.1) = − 3.88, p < 0.001, d = 0.11), and lower on sociability ( t (2289.7) = 4.15, p < 0.001, d = − 0.12). Additionally, participants who only had temperament data, compared to those in our study, included a larger proportion of White participants (χ 2 (1) = 409.95, p < 0.001), a smaller proportion of Black participants (χ 2 (1) = 260.10, p < 0.001), a smaller proportion of Hispanic participants (χ 2 (1) = 26.88, p < 0.001), and had lower education levels ( t (581.16) = 5.64, p < 0.001, d = − 0.97).

Childhood temperament

Temperament was assessed in children ages 0 to 6 ( M = 3.76, SD = 2.01) using scales adapted from the Infant Behavior Questionnaire 23 , compliance scale 24 , and additional items selected by one of the creators of the compliance scale (Joseph Campos). Participants in our study provided data for the temperament traits of activity, fearfulness, positive affect, and predictability from ages 0–11 months and for compliance and insecure attachment from ages 12–83 months 25 . All were maternal report. Then, sociability was assessed across the years with three items answered by the interviewer. Average Cronbach’s alpha values were 0.69 or greater. The number of waves of data for any temperament dimension ranged from 1 to 4; 1096 participants had 1 wave, 1207 had 2 waves, 2917 had 3 waves, and 1861 had 4 waves. The temperament qualities had an average prediction interval of nearly 25 years with a max of over 30 years.

Personality

Personality was assessed using the Ten Item Personality Inventory (TIPI 26 ) in adolescents and adults ( M age = 23.04, SD age = 4.93, Min age = 15, Max age = 35) up until 2014. This measure assesses the Big Five personality traits 26 , 27 . The number of waves for personality ranged from 1 to 4; 729 participants had 1 wave, 1941 had 2 waves, 3604 had 3 waves, and 807 had 4 waves.

Included outcomes in the health domain include self-report health status and body mass index (BMI). Health status was assessed with a single-item measure asking, “How would you describe your present health?” and treated as an ordinal variable. Response options were on a Likert scale consisting of 1 (poor), 2 (fair), 3 (good), 4 (very good), and 5 (excellent). The last available wave of data for these variables were used as the outcome for each participant. BMI was calculated from the height and weight variables for each participant, standardized, and treated as continuous.

Internalizing

Included outcomes included diagnoses of anxiety and depression; record of ever seeing a counselor for emotional, behavioral, or mental problems; and record of ever attempting suicide. The variables were coded such that 1 indicated a response of “yes” during any available waves for a single participant and 0 indicated a response “no” at every wave (i.e., dummy-coded).

Externalizing

Included outcomes were a diagnosis of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD ), reported number of substances used across all available waves for a participant, and ever going to jail. For substance use, items asking if the participant had ever used one of eight substances (alcohol, cigarettes, cocaine, hallucinogens, marijuana, downers, inhalants, stimulants) were used to create a variable for the number of substances the individual has done. The variables for an ADHD diagnosis and ever going to jail were dummy-coded.

Variables assessing cognitive performance consisted of a total score of a forwards and backwards digit span count, word recall, Peabody Individual Achievement Test (PIAT) math assessment, PIAT reading comprehension assessment, and PIAT reading recognition assessment 28 . Raw summary scores for each cognitive assessment were obtained directly from the NLSY Investigator database. Final cognition variables were standardized and treated as continuous.

Relationships and family

Outcomes in the relationship domain included relationship satisfaction at the last available wave for a participant, record of ever being married, ever being divorced, number of marriages, and ever having children. The variables for ever being married, divorced, or having children were dummy-coded. There were three possible variables for relationship satisfaction, each asking about satisfaction with a different type of relationship (boyfriend/girlfriend, partner, spouse). Since participants did not have data for more than one variable at a given wave (as they could not have a girlfriend/boyfriend AND a spouse, for example), these three items were combined to form a single relationship satisfaction variable and was treated as ordinal.

Education, career, and financial

Included variables were highest degree obtained by the participant, being employed at the wave following their last personality assessment, median annual salary, and record of ever being the recipient of government financial assistance (i.e., welfare). Highest degree obtained was treated as an ordinal variable and its value was determined by the highest value across all available waves for a participant. Being employed and ever receiving welfare were dummy-coded. Median annual salary was calculated across all available waves for a participant, standardized, and treated as continuous.

Civic engagement

Included variables were being religious and volunteering. The variables were dummy-coded.

Control variables

Variables that have been previously used in past studies and that were of theoretical and practical relevance were included to account for potentially influential differences surrounding birth and early childhood of the participants. These variables were age at the last wave of the outcome variable, gender (male = 0, female = 1), race, mother’s age at birth, whether or not the child was breastfed, number of weeks the mom was pregnant with the participant, child’s height and weight at birth, whether the mother reported any drinking or smoking during pregnancy, and mother’s highest education level.

Transparency and openness

Within this methods section, we report how we determined our final sample size through inclusion criteria, all measures used along with their psychometric properties, and we follow the APA Style Journal Article Reporting Standards (JARS 29 ). Data are freely accessible at https://www.nlsinfo.org/investigator and code for all data cleaning and analyses is available at https://osf.io/kyrq7/ . The Institutional Review Board (IRB) at Washington University in St. Louis deemed this project exempt from IRB approval because it involves accessing a publicly available dataset and thus does not meet federal definitions under the jurisdiction of an IRB (ID#: 202107190). The APA’s ethical standards for conducting research were followed throughout the duration of this study. Data were analyzed using R, version 4.0.3 30 and the package brms 31 . This study’s design and its analyses were not pre-registered.

Analysis plan

Bayesian generalized linear regressions were conducted for each outcome with (a) all temperament dimensions, (b) all personality traits, and (c) all temperament and personality entered simultaneously as predictors. All temperament and personality variables were standardized to aid in interpretation and model convergence. To calculate our primary parameter of interest—the incremental R 2 values—all models were first fit without covariates. Then, only for the purpose of obtaining individual trait estimates that may be of interest (i.e., calculating the incremental R 2 for the temperament models was no longer needed), models including covariates were fit. Priors were weakly regularizing and centered around 0. Binomial distributions were used for any dichotomous outcome variables; cumulative distributions were used for ordinal variables; Poisson distributions were used for count variables; and student’s t distributions were used for continuous variables. Parameter estimates (maximum a posterior probability (MAP) estimates) were extracted along with 95% credible intervals (CIs) and variance explained (R 2 ) values for each model. We used 95% CIs to determine whether the R 2 values were meaningful (i.e., the interval did not contain zero). Furthermore, for a traditional cut-off of α = 0.05, a power analysis indicated that we had 80% power to detect an odds ratio of 1.0693 per one standard deviation increase in a predictor variable 32 .

Childhood temperament predicting adult outcomes

Generally, childhood personality was a good predictor of future life outcomes, up to 30 years later (Table 1 ). For example, temperament was related to objective indicators such as BMI (5.76%), educational attainment (4.44%), and being incarcerated (2.25%) over 2 decades later. Temperament was not associated with every outcome, however, even for outcomes that personality traits predicted (e.g., annual salary (0.69%)). Educational attainment (4.44% vs 2.67%) and substance use (0.87% vs 4.71%), as two examples, demonstrate the difference in predictive validity for childhood and adulthood personality, respectively. Overall, despite being much closer in years between assessment and outcome, the explained variance from adult personality models was not that much greater than that of childhood temperament (Fig. 1 ).

R 2 distributions from the temperament-only and personality-only models for all outcomes. R 2 distributions for temperament- and personality-only models are presented above for all outcomes. R 2 values are presented as percentages. The R 2 for the temperament-only models is plotted in light gray. The R 2 for the adult-based personality-only models is plotted in dark gray. The 95% credible intervals, representing the R 2 values that were present in 95% of the posterior distributions, are outlined in each distribution.

Since the primary goal of this paper was to view the sole and incremental explanatory power of the temperament relative to personality (i.e., the model R 2 values), individual temperament estimates with the outcomes were of lesser interest. However, these estimates can be found in Supplementary Tables S1 – S7 from models without covariates; Supplementary Tables S8 a– S14 a from models with covariates; and Supplementary Table S15 for a comparison of estimates from models with and without covariates.

Independent associations of childhood and adulthood personality for life outcomes

Next, we sought to examine whether childhood temperament yielded incremental predictive validity of life outcomes over adult personality. For these models, all childhood temperament characteristics and all adult-based personality traits were entered as predictors simultaneously. To determine the incremental R 2 value for childhood temperament within the combined model for any given outcome, the R 2 from the adult-based personality-only model was subtracted from the total R 2 for the combined model for that outcome (Table 1 ; Supplementary Fig. 1). Individual estimates for each outcome from the personality-only models can be found in Supplementary Tables S1 – S7 (without covariates); Supplementary Tables S8 b– S14 b (with covariates); and Supplementary Table S15 for a comparison of estimates from models with and without covariates.

In general, temperament provided a number of incremental predictions above personality, despite personality being assessed closer in time, as temperament was, on average, assessed over 20 years prior to these outcomes (Table 1 ). Cognitive outcomes, a diagnosis of depression or ADHD, and highest degree obtained were amongst the most prominent outcomes in which temperament provided incremental variance above adult-based personality. Incremental variances explained for temperament ranged from just above 2% to above 10%—levels of association that are high for psychology, especially when considering the nearly 30-year timespan. For individual estimates for each outcome from the combined models, see Supplementary Tables S1 – S7 (without covariates) and Supplementary Tables S8 c– S14 c (with covariates).

Within this paper, we tested the predictive validity of childhood personality for life outcomes up to 30 years later. Two main findings emerged. First, temperament measured between ages 0–6 was able to predict a wide-ranging number of life outcomes. Second, temperament often provided incremental predictive validity above adult-based personality, suggesting that there is unique information in childhood assessments despite being assessed farther away in time. These findings establish the importance of both distal and proximal personality predictors of outcomes, supporting the need to understand who an individual is throughout the lifespan.

Predictive validity of temperament

For a set of traits that were measured between infancy and age six, the ability of temperament to predict outcomes in adulthood, decades later, was noteworthy. Consistent with past research 33 , 34 , our temperament assessments completed at an average age of 3.76 years lend support that personality can be measured early on in life and have predictive validity for important life outcomes decades later.

Our wide-ranging array of outcome variables further supports the broad and far-reaching predictive abilities of childhood temperament. Many past studies with childhood and adulthood personality often limited their investigations of prediction with temperament to psychopathology-related outcomes 35 while those that examined other outcomes typically remained in a single outcome domain (e.g., occupations 36 ). Thus, our study indeed found that early assessments of temperament are associated with a broad array of outcomes, up to decades later. Notable examples include BMI, cognitive ability, divorce, educational attainment, and civic engagement.

While not reported in the results but available in the supplementary materials, across all domains, the temperament trait of compliance emerged as the most frequent individual predictor, followed closely by sociability and predictability. Compliance is believed to represent a childhood precursor of agreeableness, but agreeableness-related traits are typically not included as a major dimension in popular temperament models but are included in childhood personality models inspired by the Big Five 33 . Part of this could be due to variation in methodology of assessing these temperament traits, as this agreeableness-related factor is the broadest and largest dimension that has emerged from parental descriptions of child temperament 37 but emerges less frequently through other assessment methods (e.g., self-report, laboratory tasks). Since this trait was in fact reported on by parents in our study, its prominence in predicting outcomes could reflect the parents’ concern with managing the child’s behavior and avoiding parent–child conflict, thus perhaps over-reporting on or emphasizing this quality in their child. Agreeableness as a personality trait is related to outcomes in various domains, including interpersonal, social, and health outcomes 11 , 38 , 39 , 40 so it is not entirely surprising this possible childhood precursor of agreeableness is related to a vast number of outcomes as well. Furthermore, one empirically derived personality taxonomy for children, the Hierarchical Personality Inventory for Children (HiPIC 41 ), found that compliance represented a blend of benevolence and, more interestingly, conscientiousness. Given conscientiousness’s many associations with beneficial outcomes 39 , 42 , 43 , 44 , our findings of compliance being associated with the greatest number of outcomes is perhaps even more to be expected.

There are also reasons as to why the other two most frequent temperament predictors, predictability and sociability, emerged as often as they did. First, predictability, also sometimes called regularity, refers to the “predictability” of a child’s biological and behavioral patterns 45 , 46 . With age, the children’s daily schedules and personal habits also appear to be consistent with their earlier predictability levels. Highly regular children like setting schedules for accomplishing tasks and enjoy structure in their lives, whereas highly irregular children have more difficulty adapting to set routines and forming regular habits and mood patterns, which can precede behavioral problems later in life 47 , 48 , 49 . However, children exhibiting these irregular tendencies also can adjust better to unexpected changes in their routine and are more flexible in lifestyle changes. Predictability’s associations with setting schedules and routines as well as consistent mood patterns is reflective of both conscientiousness and neuroticism; two traits that are associated with numerous outcomes in many domains 39 , 50 .

Additionally, past research has suggested sociability be considered a lower-order quality of the broader dimension positive emotionality as opposed to constituting its own independent trait 37 . Positive emotionality and the qualities it is believed to subsume (e.g., sociability, shyness, dominance) are related to future scores on extraversion 5 , 51 . Extraversion is linked to positive outcomes in adulthood, particularly those related to social and well-being outcomes 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 . Greater well-being itself is positively related to beneficial outcomes in several life domains 39 , serving as one path by which childhood sociability is linked to outcomes in different domains.

Reasons for incremental predictive validity of temperament over personality

We found evidence for a lifespan perspective, such that it mattered “where you start and finish.” It is beneficial to measure individual differences more than a single time over the life course, with childhood being an important time period for understanding adult outcomes. Not only did temperament provide incremental validity, but it evidenced stronger initial predictions across a number of outcomes, despite the fact that the lag in time between assessment and outcome was decades longer for temperament than personality.

A few reasons may explain why childhood is important to understand adult outcomes. First, these results suggest there are childhood-specific processes, as outlined by Hill et al. 13 , that relate childhood individual differences to adult outcomes that are separate from adult processes (i.e., differential pathways). For example, personality measures better predicted substance use compared to temperament assessments. One potential reason why is that the processes that relate individual differences to those outcomes are more relevant for adults than children. Behaviors that influence substance use are better assessed with adult personality measures because they either have content that better assesses those process or because the processes are assessed closer in time to outcomes. This reasoning could similarly be why temperament better predicted an ADHD diagnosis, as diagnoses are often made around age six 56 .

Alternatively, the opportunities and snares hypothesis could offer another explanation. As Hill et al. 13 point out, childhood personality measures are important because of the sensitive period of childhood due to its time-limited nature. The development that occurs early in life can be consequential to future outcomes, especially if this development primarily occurs in a limited span of time and/or the paths one is then led down cannot be reversed. If temperament traits are an acceptable proxy of an infant or child’s functioning and healthy development, when cognitive abilities are also being largely formed and solidified (especially apparent when considering the long-term stability of IQ 57 ), then future personality traits would offer little, if any, predictive validity not already captured by temperament. This could explain why temperament assessments did a good job at predicting educational outcomes over and above personality because education is an important childhood experience that is cumulative in nature.

Limitations and conclusion

While our study was a powerful test of the incremental predictive validity of temperament compared to the Big Five personality traits using a representative sample assessed over 3 decades, there were a few limitations. First, we were limited by our measures. The temperament traits we could examine was restricted to what was included in the survey, and thus we could not include some regularly examined qualities such as effortful control or behavioral inhibition 58 , 59 . For adulthood personality, the most data were available for the TIPI, which is a relatively brief measure. However, when examining if the amount of variance explained by adult personality was similar when using a more comprehensive measure (i.e., the mini-IPIP 50 ), albeit with a smaller sample size, the values were very similar (Table S17 ; see also Table S18 for a comparison of the estimates with the TIPI versus mini-IPIP). This suggests that the TIPI captured an acceptable amount of variance to be explained in our outcomes by the Big Five traits. Ideally, to best test the question of if there is incremental validity of childhood personality compared to adulthood personality, comprehensive measures of both sets of traits are needed. Thus, our study should be considered a first step in examining this and future work is needed to confirm and expand upon the results. Second, different reporting methods were used (parent, self) which have been differently associated with life outcomes 42 , 60 . Third, an alternative explanation for the findings is content and/or structural differences between the two sets of individual differences 2 , 61 . It is hard to address whether these factors are driving the differences as it is difficult to take an adult taxonomy and apply it to children. Behavioral expression of personality differs across age which is one of the reasons why the Little Six 2 rather than the Big Five, for example, is found in childhood.

Using a large-scale longitudinal study across a 30-year time frame, we identified non-redundant predictions of life outcomes for temperament and personality. Temperament explained the most variance for outcomes such as cognitive ability and educational attainment whereas personality performed best for outcomes such as health status, substance use, and most internalizing outcomes. Our results highlight the benefit of a lifespan approach to understanding life outcomes, where adult-based outcomes are informed by child-based assessments.

Data availability

Data are drawn from the publicly available National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979—Child and Young Adult sample 22 which is freely accessible at https://www.nlsinfo.org/investigator . The raw data used for the current study are available at the study’s OSF page ( https://osf.io/kyrq7/ ).

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Research Article

Differential personality change earlier and later in the coronavirus pandemic in a longitudinal sample of adults in the United States

Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Funding acquisition, Writing – original draft

* E-mail: [email protected]

Affiliation Florida State University College of Medicine, Tallahassee, FL, United States of America

Roles Conceptualization, Writing – review & editing

Affiliation University of Montpellier, Montpellier, France

Roles Methodology, Writing – review & editing

Affiliation University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, United States of America

Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Methodology, Writing – review & editing

Angelina R. Sutin,
Yannick Stephan,
Martina Luchetti,
Damaris Aschwanden,
Ji Hyun Lee,
Amanda A. Sesker,
Antonio Terracciano

Published: September 28, 2022
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0274542
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Five-factor model personality traits (neuroticism, extraversion, openness, agreeableness, conscientiousness) are thought to be relatively impervious to environmental demands in adulthood. The coronavirus pandemic is an unprecedented opportunity to examine whether personality changed during a stressful global event. Surprisingly, two previous studies found that neuroticism decreased early in the pandemic, whereas there was less evidence for change in the other four traits during this period. The present research used longitudinal assessments of personality from the Understanding America Study (N = 7,109; 18,623 assessments) to examine personality changes relatively earlier (2020) and later (2021–2022) in the pandemic compared to pre-pandemic levels. Replicating the two previous studies, neuroticism declined very slightly in 2020 compared to pre-pandemic levels; there were no changes in the other four traits. When personality was measured in 2021–2022, however, there was no significant change in neuroticism compared to pre-pandemic levels, but there were significant small declines in extraversion, openness, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. The changes were about one-tenth of a standard deviation, which is equivalent to about one decade of normative personality change. These changes were moderated by age and Hispanic/Latino ethnicity, but not race or education. Strikingly, younger adults showed disrupted maturity in that they increased in neuroticism and declined in agreeableness and conscientiousness. Current evidence suggests the slight decrease in neuroticism early in the pandemic was short-lived and detrimental changes in the other traits emerged over time. If these changes are enduring, this evidence suggests population-wide stressful events can slightly bend the trajectory of personality, especially in younger adults.

Citation: Sutin AR, Stephan Y, Luchetti M, Aschwanden D, Lee JH, Sesker AA, et al. (2022) Differential personality change earlier and later in the coronavirus pandemic in a longitudinal sample of adults in the United States. PLoS ONE 17(9): e0274542. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0274542

Editor: Baogui Xin, Shandong University of Science and Technology, CHINA

Received: April 18, 2022; Accepted: August 28, 2022; Published: September 28, 2022

Copyright: © 2022 Sutin et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: The data used in the current analyses can be downloaded from: https://uasdata.usc.edu/index.php?r=eNpLtDKyqi62MrFSKkhMT1WyLrYyNAeyS5NyMpP1UhJLEvUSU1Ly80ASQDWJKZkpIKaxlZKlhYmSdS1cMG0-Euo . Note that data are available but users must first register for a free account with UAS before the link will direct them to the dataset for download. The analytic scripts are in supplementary material .

Funding: Research reported in this publication was supported by the National Institute on Aging of the National Institutes of Health under Award Number R01AG053297 to ARS. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

Since the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic, there has been interest in tracking its effect on psychological outcomes [ 1 ]. This published work has focused understandably on factors related to mental health. Many studies, for example, examined how symptoms of depression and anxiety [ 2 ], loneliness [ 3 , 4 ], and social support [ 5 ] changed compared to before the pandemic. In addition to aspects of mental and social well-being, the pandemic may have had an impact on more general ways of thinking, feeling, and behaving (i.e., personality). The five-factor model (FFM) [ 6 ] of personality operationalizes trait psychological function along five broad dimensions: neuroticism (the tendency to experience negative emotions and vulnerability to stress), extraversion (the tendency to be talkative and outgoing), openness (the tendency to be creative and unconventional), agreeableness (the tendency to be trusting and straightforward), and conscientiousness (the tendency to be organized, disciplined, and responsible). These traits are relatively stable over time [ 7 ] but are theoretically thought to be responsive to environmental pressures [ 8 ], including stressful events. The coronavirus pandemic has offered the unique opportunity to examine how a global stressful event experienced by the whole population may change personality.

Previous research suggests that personal, but not collective, stressful events may be associated with personality change. Neuroticism, for example, has been found to increase after personal stressful [ 9 , 10 ] or traumatic [ 11 ] events. In contrast, collective stressful events, such as natural disasters, seem to be unrelated to personality change [ 12 , 13 ]. A study that examined personality change from before to after the 2011 earthquake in Christchurch, New Zealand, for example, found no change in any of the five traits from before to after the disaster (there was a slight increase in neuroticism among participants directly affected by the quake; [ 12 ]). In addition, in a sample measured twice after exposure to Hurricane Harvey, there was no evidence of mean-level change in any of the five traits, even among participants with the most exposure [ 13 ]. This literature thus suggests that personality traits are not responsive to natural disasters.

In contrast to natural disasters, which tend to be limited in geographic area, the coronavirus pandemic has affected the entire globe and nearly every aspect of life. There is a developing literature on how the pandemic might be shaping personality change. Early in the pandemic, during the acute phase, we examined personality change in a sample of adults from across the United States (ages 18–90). We hypothesized that neuroticism would increase because of pandemic-related stressors and the accompanying fear and uncertainty would lead to more feelings of emotional instability [ 14 ]. Surprisingly, however, neuroticism declined slightly between January/February 2020 and March 2020. Although surprising, it is consistent with anecdotal evidence that anxiety (one core aspect of neuroticism) declined early in the pandemic among individuals who typically suffer from anxiety [ 15 ]. Further, a small sample from Germany found that neuroticism was slightly lower among university students during the first coronavirus lockdown compared to their neuroticism measured before the pandemic [ 16 ]. Although modest, this current evidence suggests that, at least early in the pandemic, during the acute phase, there was a decline in neuroticism.

There is less evidence for change in the other traits from pre- to during the pandemic. Although extraversion was hypothesized to decline because pandemic restrictions (e.g., lockdowns, social distancing, event cancellations) reduced the ability to be sociable, the evidence is mixed: Extraversion decreased slightly in a sample of university students in Germany [ 16 ], whereas it did not change in a nationwide sample of adults in the United States accounting for sociodemographic characteristics [ 14 ]. No change was found for Openness, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness in the American sample [ 14 ], and these traits were not measured in the German sample [ 16 ].

These two studies provided important insights into the early effect of the pandemic on personality. The present research builds on these initial findings in four critical ways. First, we seek to replicate the finding that neuroticism declined early in the pandemic in a larger national sample of adults in the United States. Second, we address whether the other traits changed in this larger and more diverse sample than the previous samples. Third, with assessments of personality in both 2020 and in 2021–2022, we evaluate differential patterns of personality change across the acute (2020) and adaptation (2021–2022) phases of the pandemic. Finally, with a relatively diverse sample, we test whether personality change was moderated by age, gender, race, Hispanic/Latino ethnicity, or education.

To put any potential change in personality in context, previous research has found that personality changes, on average, about one-tenth of a standard deviation per decade of adulthood [ 17 ]. Regarding direction, neuroticism, extraversion, and openness tend to decline from younger to older adulthood, and agreeableness and conscientiousness tend to increase, although neuroticism and conscientiousness may change direction and increase and decrease, respectively, in older adulthood [ 17 ]. Although personality traits may change more in younger and older adulthood, compared to middle adulthood, we do not make specific predictions about age differences in personality change during the pandemic because the virus and the response to it has been unprecedented and its effects significant but different across age groups. Older adults, for example, faced a greater threat of severe disease and death, whereas younger adults faced more restriction on age-normative activities. If any differences are found, it would suggest a fruitful future direction to pursue to identify theoretical and empirical reasons for differential personality change by age. If changes are similar across age, it would suggest that personality is reactive to a global stressful event regardless of specific age-related stressors.

The purpose of this research is to examine personality change during the coronavirus pandemic compared to pre-pandemic levels using longitudinal assessments of personality from the Understanding America Study (UAS) [ 18 ]. We construe these analyses as exploratory because this study will be the first study of change in personality measured relatively earlier (acute phase) and relatively later (adaptation phase) in the pandemic (pandemic assessments in 2020 and 2021–2022), and because previous findings were not consistent with theoretical expectations. We do expect, however, that neuroticism declined early in the pandemic because of the two previous studies. If this decline is apparent in the UAS sample, it will provide robust evidence that neuroticism was reactive to the pandemic. We do not expect change in the other four traits early in the pandemic based on our previous findings [ 14 ]. We do not make predictions about change in personality later in the pandemic or how change may differ by sociodemographic characteristics.

Materials and methods

Participants and procedure.

UAS is an internet panel study of participants across the United States administered by the University of Southern California [ 18 ]. Participants completed surveys through the device of their choice (desktop, laptop, mobile, etc.) and, when necessary, were provided with a device and internet access to participate. To date, the UAS has administered the same personality measure three times (UAS1, UAS121, UAS237). Personality in UAS1 was collected between May 2014-March 2018, personality in UAS121 was collected between January 2018-April 2020, and personality in UAS237 was collected between April 2020-February 2022 (see COVID section below for how assessments were categorized for analysis). All participants had personality measured at least once prior to the pandemic. Because of the sampling structure of UAS, participants reported on their personality again in either 2020 or 2021–2022, but did not report on their personality in both years. As such, for all participants there is one assessment of personality during the pandemic; all available personality data was used in the analyses. Documentation for each wave can be found at the UAS website: https://uasdata.usc.edu/index.php under “Surveys” and UAS1, UAS121, and UAS237. Participants were included in the analytic sample if they had personality data reported during the pandemic and at least one personality assessment prior to the pandemic. Participants also needed to have sociodemographic information available. A total of 7,109 participants met these criteria, for a total of 18,623 assessments (Mean = 2.62 assessments/participant, SD = .48; range = 2–3; n = 4,495 at UAS1, n = 7,019 at UAS121, n = 7,109 at UAS 237). The current analyses were based on publicly-available, de-identified data and thus did not require approval from the local IRB. The primary data collection was overseen by the IRB at the University of Southern California and written informed consent was obtained from participants. Detailed information about the original data collection, ethical oversight, and consent process can be found in Laith and colleagues [ 18 ].

The analyses in this paper were not preregistered and are exploratory. The data used in the current analyses can be downloaded from: https://uasdata.usc.edu/index.php?r=eNpLtDKyqi62MrFSKkhMT1WyLrYyNAeyS5NyMpP1UhJLEvUSU1Ly80ASQDWJKZkpIKaxlZKlhYmSdS1cMG0-Euo . Note that data are available but users must first register for a free account with UAS before the link will direct them to the dataset for download. The analytic scripts are in supplementary material.

Personality traits.

Personality was measured with the 44-item Big Five Inventory (BFI) [ 19 ] at each personality assessment. Participants rated items that measured neuroticism (e.g., can be moody; eight items), extraversion (e.g., is talkative; eight items), openness (e.g., has an active imagination; ten items), agreeableness (e.g., is generally trusting; nine items), and conscientiousness (e.g., is a reliable worker; nine items). Items were rated from 1 ( strongly disagree ) to 5 ( strongly agree ), reverse scored when necessary, and the sum taken in the direction of the domain label (e.g., higher scores on neuroticism indicated greater neuroticism). Although sum scores can sometimes be problematic for missing data, at each personality assessment, more than 99% of participants who completed the assessment had personality scores, which indicated that missing data were not a problem in this study. Scores on neuroticism and extraversion could range from 8 to 40, scores on openness could range from 10 to 50, and scores on agreeableness and conscientiousness could range from 9 to 45. The test-retest correlation between the first and last personality assessment was .72 for neuroticism, .78 for extraversion, .73 for openness, .65 for agreeableness, and .69 for conscientiousness, indicating relatively high rank-order stability, which is similar to test-retest correlations reported during non-pandemic times: .71 for neuroticism, .79 for extraversion, .79 for openness, .70 for agreeableness, and .70 for conscientiousness (Hampson & Goldberg, 2006) [ 20 ]. There were some differences between participants who reported on their personality in 2021–22 versus 2020. Specifically, participants who reported on their personality in 2021–2022 were younger at baseline ( d = .28, p < .01), had more years of education ( d = .12, p < .01), were less likely to be men (χ 2 = 10.51, p < .01) or Hispanic ethnicity (χ 2 = 307.99, p < .01), and more likely to be Asian (χ 2 = 111.25, p < .01) than participants who reported on their personality in 2020. After accounting for sociodemographic differences, participants who reported on their personality in 2021–2022 were lower on baseline neuroticism ( d = .08, p < .01) and baseline conscientiousness ( d = .10, p < .01) compared to participants who reported on their personality in 2020.

Sociodemographic covariates.

Sociodemographic factors were age in years at the first personality assessment, gender (0 = women, 1 = men), race (three dummy-coded variables that compared Black = 1, Asian = 1, and Otherwise-identified = 1 to white = 0), Hispanic/Latino ethnicity (1 = Hispanic or Latino ethnicity, 0 = not Hispanic or Latino ethnicity) and education, reported on a scale from 1 ( less than first grade ) to 16 ( doctorate degree ). These covariates were selected because of potential age, gender, and education differences in personality and the differential effect of the pandemic across sociodemographic groups.

A variable was created that indicated whether each personality assessment occurred before or during the coronavirus pandemic. We set March 1, 2020 as the start of the pandemic for this sample because widescale closures and cancellations started to occur in the United States in early March 2020. Because patterns of personality change might be different depending on phase of the pandemic, we categorized the COVID personality assessments into two time periods: personality assessments during 2020 (March 1, 2020-December 31, 2020; the acute phase) and personality assessments after 2020 (January 1, 2021-February 16, 2022; the adaptation phase).

Statistical approach

The trajectory of each personality trait was modeled on time. Time in years was calculated from the first personality assessment to each subsequent assessment. Multilevel modeling (MLM) was used to estimate the trajectory of personality over time (which represents normative developmental/age-related change over time), with random effects for intercept and slope. Level 1 was repeated assessments of personality nested within-person. Socio-demographic variables were entered at level 2 to control for age, gender, race, Hispanic/Latino ethnicity, and education. Following previous studies on pandemic-induced change in subjective age [ 21 ] and well-being [ 22 ] compared to pre-pandemic levels, we specified a change component that was a time-varying dummy variable that compared all personality assessments prior to the pandemic (May 2014-February 2020; pre-pandemic personality) to the personality assessments during the pandemic (March 2020-February 2022; which reflect normative history-related change during the pandemic). Two dummy-coded variables were created. The first coded personality measured between March 1, 2020 and December 31, 2020 during the acute phase of the pandemic as 1 and others as 0. The second coded personality measured between January 1, 2021 and February 16, 2022 as 1 and others as 0. All participants in the analytic sample had one or two personality assessments prior to the pandemic and one personality assessment in either 2020 or 2021–2022 (because of the structure of UAS, personality assessments were not from the same participants in both 2020 and 2021–2022). The dummy-coded variable indicated whether personality measured during the pandemic increased or decreased during the pandemic compared to pre-pandemic levels.

We also tested whether personality change was moderated by sociodemographic factors (age, gender, race, Hispanic/Latino ethnicity, education) by including an interaction term between each dummy-coded COVID variable and the sociodemographic factor in separate regressions for each interaction. For age, we also ran the same MLM analysis separately for three age groups: younger adults (<30 years old), middle-aged adults (30–64 years old), and older adults (≥65 years old) because each age group had different challenges at different points in the pandemic. Due to the large number of tests and difficulty replicating interaction effects, the p-value was set to < .01 for the moderation analysis.

Descriptive statistics for study variables are in Table 1 . Table 2 reports results of the multilevel models that show personality change during the pandemic, accounting for the effect of time over the three assessments. Consistent with the previous studies on change in neuroticism early in the pandemic [ 14 , 16 ], neuroticism was lower (approximately one-tenth of a standard deviation) in 2020 compared to pre-pandemic levels. This decline, however, was not apparent in the next phase of the pandemic; neuroticism measured in 2021–2022 was not statistically different than neuroticism measured prior to the pandemic. Note that the time trend for neuroticism was positive, which indicated that neuroticism increased over time. The negative coefficient for COVID indicated a decrease in neuroticism during the pandemic, despite the time trend of increases over time. A different pattern emerged for the other four traits. For these traits, there was no difference in 2020 compared to their pre-pandemic levels. Extraversion, openness, agreeableness, and conscientiousness, however, declined in 2021–2022 compared to their level pre-pandemic.

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A different pattern of personality change was apparent when the sample was split into three age groups ( Table 3 ). The divergence by age was largest for neuroticism ( Fig 1 ). When was measured in 2020, older adults had the greatest decline in neuroticism. Middle-aged adults also declined in neuroticism, with an effect size about half that of older adults. Younger adults showed this initial decline, but it was not statistically significant. The bigger discrepancy across age groups occurred for personality measured in 2021–2022. In this case, middle-aged adults continued to decline in neuroticism at this later stage of the pandemic, as did older adults, albeit the decline was not statistically significant. In contrast, younger adults had a significant increase in neuroticism in 2021–2022 compared to prior to the pandemic. The pattern that emerged for the remaining traits was similar across the four traits, with declines for both younger and middle-aged adults in 2021–2022. There were two patterns particularly worth noting. First, the coefficients for agreeableness and conscientiousness were at least twice as large among younger than middle-aged adults, which indicated larger declines in this age group. Second, there was no significant change in these traits among older adults in either 2020 or 2021–2022: Extraversion, openness, agreeableness, and conscientiousness during the pandemic for participants over 65 were similar to pre-pandemic levels. The continuous interactions with age supported the overall pattern of age differences in personality change during the pandemic ( S1 Table ). Specifically, there was a negative interaction between COVID year and age on neuroticism for both 2020 and 2021–2022, which indicated the decline in neuroticism was larger at older ages in 2020 and the increase was larger at younger ages in 2021–2022, respectively. Likewise, the age interactions for agreeableness and conscientiousness indicated the decline in these two traits in 2021–2022 was stronger among relatively younger than relatively older participants. The interaction with age for 2020 for agreeableness was also significant.

Age differences in the effect of the pandemic on personality change in 2020 and in 2021–2022 for neuroticism (Panel A), extraversion (Panel B), openness (Panel C), agreeableness (Panel D), and conscientiousness (Panel E). Asterisks indicate significant personality changes from pre-pandemic levels.

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Personality change during COVID was also moderated by Hispanic/Latino ethnicity ( S1 Table ). Hispanic/Latino participants did not experience the decline in neuroticism apparent among non-Hispanic/Latino participants. Hispanic/Latino participants also decreased more in agreeableness earlier in the pandemic than non-Hispanic/Latino participants. Both Hispanic/Latino and non-Hispanic/Latino participants declined in extraversion, openness, and conscientiousness in 2021–2022, but this decline was larger for Hispanic/Latino participants. There was less evidence for differences by the other sociodemographic groups ( S1 Table ).

Replicating previous work on personality change in the acute phase [ 14 , 16 ], the present research found a significant decrease in neuroticism in 2020 compared to neuroticism prior to the pandemic. There was no significant change in the other traits in 2020. There was, however, a different pattern of change when personality was measured in 2021–2022: The beneficial effect of the pandemic on neuroticism dissipated, whereas there was significant decline in the other four traits compared to before the pandemic. Importantly, significant age differences also emerged that indicated that the decline in neuroticism in 2020 was largest for older adults, whereas the decline in the other four traits in 2021 was apparent in middle-aged and particularly younger adults. The present research thus suggests differential acute and longer-term time of measurement effects of the pandemic on personality change.

At the sample level, change in personality from before to during the pandemic was approximately one-tenth of a standard deviation. Although modest in absolute terms, it can be put in the perspective of developmental changes that occur over adulthood. Normative personality change has been estimated to be approximately one-tenth a standard deviation per decade in adulthood [ 17 ]. Given our analyses accounted for these normative age-related changes, the change observed during the short time of the pandemic approximated the degree of change usually observed over a decade. In addition, the changes were much larger for some demographic groups, including the decline in neuroticism for older adults, the decline in conscientiousness for younger adults, and the decline in extraversion for Hispanic/Latino participants, which were about one-fifth of a standard deviation.

The present research adds to the replicated evidence that neuroticism declined early in the pandemic [ 14 , 16 ]. This decline is particularly surprising against the backdrop of other longitudinal research on mental health that found symptoms of depression, anxiety, and psychological distress increased during the first year of the pandemic [ 1 , 2 , 23 ]. These findings appear contradictory, particularly because symptoms of depression and anxiety are expressions of neuroticism [ 24 ]. Both changes, however, may occur simultaneously. It may be that, prior to the pandemic, individuals higher in neuroticism ascribed feelings of distress to this dispositional aspect of themselves. The fear and uncertainty caused by the pandemic, however, may have provided a reason for such feelings, leading to declines in perceptions of dispositional neuroticism. Further, prior to the pandemic, there were no behavioral suggestions to express or cope with neuroticism, but pandemic guidance (washing hands, social distancing, masking) gave people a preventive behavior to engage in against the external stressor. The messaging around taking care of one’s mental health may also have contributed to decreases in neuroticism, especially for older adults since so much of the messaging was around taking care of this age group. It is also possible that the greater social cohesion early in the pandemic brought a sense of belonging that lessened a general disposition toward distress and/or observing the distress in the world had individuals re-evaluate their own tendency towards fear and anxiety. Further, there may be social comparison processes that shape how individuals perceive themselves. That is, ratings of personality are based, in part, on comparisons to other people. Early in the pandemic, when there was a lot of reporting on fear and anxiety about the virus in the media and on social media, individuals may have viewed themselves as less fearful and anxious than those around them: Individuals may have viewed themselves as less neurotic because the social norms around neuroticism shifted. Three studies now document this decline in neuroticism early in the pandemic.

A completely different pattern of change emerged during the adaptation phase of the pandemic. Neuroticism did not continue to decline, but rather was not statistically different from prior to the pandemic, which suggests the beneficial decline in neuroticism due to the pandemic was temporary. In addition, the other four traits, which did not change in the acute phase, all declined significantly in 2021–2022 compared to before the pandemic. This pattern suggests that for extraversion, openness, agreeableness, and conscientiousness, there was either a delayed effect that took longer to become apparent and/or different stressors and strains later in the pandemic contributed to these changes rather than the stressors and strains earlier in the pandemic. One possibility is that the social cohesion apparent early in the pandemic helped support stability of these traits. That is, in the acute phase, despite fear and uncertainty, the increase in social support [ 3 ] and sense of community [ 25 ] may have helped maintain personality. The decline in social support [ 26 ] and increase in social conflict on pandemic-related protective measures [ 27 ], may explain at least part of change observed in 2021–2022.

In our first paper on personality change very early in pandemic, we hypothesized a decrease in extraversion and conscientiousness because of restrictions on social gatherings and the loss of daily routines that often give structure to one’s life, respectively. We did not, however, find any support for these declines [ 14 ]. The present analyses suggest a delayed or longer-term effect on these traits. Early in the pandemic, there were anecdotal stories of long-lost connections being reestablished as old friends and acquaintances reached out to one another [ 28 , 29 ]. Such connections may have helped support extraversion in the acute phase of the pandemic. Over a year of restrictions on social gatherings–either mandated or self-imposed over safety concerns–may have culminated in feeling less temperamentally outgoing than prior to the pandemic. Likewise, it might have taken more time for the lack of structure and fewer immediate responsibilities to consolidate into declines in conscientiousness. It may also be the case that, prior to the pandemic, external structures that supported schedules and routines were perceived as the individual’s own level of conscientiousness. Without this stability and structure, it may be harder to be organized and follow through on responsibilities. The changes observed in 2021–2022 may be the accumulation of changes in daily life that took more time to culminate in trait decline.

There were also significant declines in openness and agreeableness. These declines may have been, in part, a response to the social upheaval in response to the pandemic that was sharper in 2021–2022. The continued uncertainty around the pandemic, particularly as it dragged into a second year [ 30 ], as well as the decline in mobility [ 31 ], may have led individuals to narrow their activities and worldviews. Likewise, there may have been a decrease in interest in art and artistic experiences because of less ability to engage in art due to closures of concert venues, museums, theaters, etc. The move to online communication and entertainment and reliance on social media may have decreased exposure to new ideas. Such changes may have contributed to declines in openness. There has been a decline in trust apparent for decades [ 17 , 32 ]. Although there was an increase in confidence in science and the medical community early in the pandemic, this increase was short-lived and the decline precipitous during the second year of the pandemic [ 33 ]. The decline in agreeableness observed later in the pandemic is consistent with this trend. It is notable that this decline is apparent controlling for the general time trend of declines in agreeableness. This decline might have been partly fueled by amplification of mis/disinformation that undermines trust and may also highlight benefits to not being straightforward.

Two sociodemographic factors were significant moderators of personality change during the pandemic: age and Hispanic/Latino ethnicity. Compared to middle-aged and older adults, the personality of younger adults seemed particularly sensitive to change. Personality tends to develop most and consolidate during young adulthood [ 34 ], with the pattern of development toward greater maturity in the form of declines in neuroticism and increases in agreeableness and conscientiousness [ 35 ]. Over a year into the pandemic, however, young adults show the opposite of this developmental trend. The personality of older adults, in contrast, is thought to be more impervious to change (at least until very old age or cognitive impairment [ 36 – 38 ]); and, indeed, four of the five traits were relatively impervious to change among older adults. There may also be other reasons for the age differences in personality change. We cannot, for example, distinguish between age and cohort because they are confounded in the current sample; it is possible that the differences are due to cohort rather than age. It is also possible that different age groups faced different challenges in the second year of the pandemic, such as instability in the job market and school-related stressors (e.g., continued school closures, quarantining of the self or one’s children after exposure). Such stressors may be more impactful for younger and middle-aged adults than older adults, who also may both be less likely to experience and have more resources to handle pandemic-related stressors that did occur.

Personality change during the pandemic was also moderated by Hispanic/Latino ethnicity. In 2020, Hispanic/Latino participants did not decrease in neuroticism but did decrease in agreeableness earlier than non-Hispanic/Latino participants. This pattern could be due, in part, to the strain of the pandemic not equally distributed across the population. The financial cost of the pandemic was larger for Hispanic/Latino adults compared to their counterparts [ 39 ], and, at the same time, this population had higher rates of hospitalization and death due to COVID than non-Hispanic white adults [ 40 ]. Further, the decline in extraversion, openness, and conscientiousness in 2021–2022 was stronger for Hispanic/Latino participants than non-Hispanic/Latino participants. Perhaps these declines were because of processes that may have been apparent across the population were amplified by ongoing stressors of high-risk work situations and risk of COVID for themselves and their families. Surprisingly, although Black adults faced similar stressors, in this sample, Black participants did not show a similar pattern of personality change (i.e., the moderation analysis indicated no difference in change between Black and white participants).

The present research focused on personality change during the coronavirus pandemic. It is important to note other significant collective events in the United States during this time. The death of George Floyd, the subsequent social justice protests, the backlash to the protests, and the January 6, 2021 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol are significant events that occurred during this time that may also have shaped the observed changes. More research needs to tease apart whether/how different events may have shaped personality change.

Implications for models of personality

There are several theoretical accounts to explain personality development across the lifespan. Biologically-oriented models indicate personality in adulthood is relatively impervious to environmental pressures and changes that are not biologically-based should rebound [ 34 ]. Environmental models, in contrast, highlight life events in the trajectory of adult personality, although evidence on specific life events tends to be mixed and sometimes conflicting [ 8 ]. The neuroticism finding represents a significant time of measurement effect that replicated across three studies. We are not aware of similar population-wide effects that have replicated across independent studies. The findings suggest that a large scale, global event had an impact on personality at the population level. It appears that this decline was transitory; it is too early to determine whether the changes observed in 2021–2022 will endure or dissipate with time. It is also possible personal experiences and perceptions of collective events may be more impactful on personality than the event itself [ 41 ].

Personality traits go through most development in adolescence and early adulthood and tend to reach stability about age 30 [ 34 ]. At the other end of adulthood, personality tends to remain stable until cognitive impairment reduces stability [ 36 ]. It is notable, but perhaps not surprising, that most significant personality change during the pandemic occurred in younger adulthood, with most traits showing no change among older adults. It is further of note that middle-aged adults were more similar to younger adults than older adults (except for neuroticism). It is unclear whether this pattern is due to greater malleability of traits earlier than later in adulthood or whether the stressors and strains of the pandemic, which differed across age groups, led to more personality change.

These findings may have implications for long-term outcomes associated with personality. Individuals higher in conscientiousness, for example, tend to achieve more education [ 42 ] and income [ 43 ], develop fewer chronic diseases [ 44 ], are at lower risk of dementia [ 45 ], and ultimately live longer [ 46 ]. The decline in conscientiousness, particularly for younger adults, may have consequences for these outcomes, especially if the decline is not transitory. Higher neuroticism is associated with engagement in health-risk behaviors [ 47 , 48 ] and is a risk factor for poor mental health outcomes [ 24 ]. This increase may make some individuals more vulnerable to poor outcomes. It is especially worrying that the largest changes in these two traits were among younger adults, as the implications of these changes may ripple throughout their adult lives.

Although there should be some confidence in the decline in neuroticism, given that it has replicated, the other findings need to be interpreted with caution until replicated. It is of note that the lack of personality change in 2020 replicated our previous study on personality change in the acute phase of the pandemic (but Krautter and colleagues [ 16 ] found a decrease in extraversion during this time in a sample from Germany). Most importantly, the changes that occurred in 2021–2022 need to be replicated and put in the context of the sample. The sample was large and used a well-established measure of personality. The sample, however, was from the United States. No part of the world escaped the pandemic, but the course and response to the virus varied considerably across countries, and even within the same country. More research is needed to evaluate personality change during the pandemic in other cultural contexts and populations. In addition, although our sample was fairly diverse, the percentage of people of color was relatively low. The sample may have been underpowered to detect different patterns of personality change for people of color (the sample of Hispanic/Latino participants was larger and thus more powered to detect differences). This research documents personality traits over the first two years of the pandemic but the changes cannot be attributed solely to the pandemic. As discussed above, political and social upheaval co-experienced with the pandemic may have also contributed to the observed changes. We identified a time of measurement effect on change but were unable to distinguish the specific reasons for the changes. Pandemic-related policies and restrictions may be an additional contextual factor that is important for personality change. In the present research, participants were from around the United States who experienced very different state government responses to the pandemic (e.g., California versus Florida). Future research could address whether specific policy differences across states or countries have different impacts on change. Also, with few assessments of personality per participant, it was not possible to test for nonlinear changes over time. Future research would benefit from more assessments of personality to be able to test for such change. Further, there may be personality change related to infection with SARS-CoV-2, particularly for individuals with severe cases and/or long COVID. Recent evidence indicates significant changes in brain structure and cognitive function associated with SARS-CoV-2 infection (Douaud et al., 2022) [ 49 ]. Personality change could be one outcome of such alterations in neurological structure. The present research could not address this possibility. Finally, it would be worthwhile to take a “nuance” approach [ 50 ] and analyze change in specific items of the BFI to determine whether changes were driven by specific components of each trait.

Despite these limitations, the present research offers new evidence for longitudinal change in personality across the pandemic. This research highlights the need to continue to assess longitudinal changes, as the pandemic may have cumulative effects that were not apparent in the first few months. This research also highlights the differential impact on personality change across demographic groups (e.g., young adults, Hispanic/Latino). Future research needs to continue to track trends in personality change to evaluate potential longer-term outcomes associated with this change, particularly for groups impacted the most.

Supporting information

S1 table. interaction terms between sociodemographic factors and the pandemic on personality change..

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0274542.s001

S2 Table. Syntax for reported analyses.

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Acknowledgments

The project described in this paper relies on data from survey(s) administered by the Understanding America Study (UAS), which is maintained by the Center for Economic and Social Research (CESR) at the University of Southern California (USC). The content of this paper is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of USC or UAS.

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34. McCrae RR, Costa PT. Personality in adulthood: A Five-Factor Theory perspective. 2nd ed. New York: Guilford Press; 2003.

Psychosocial Development in Early Adulthood

Diana Lang; Nick Cone; Margaret Clark-Plaskie; Laura Overstreet; Martha Lally; and Suzanne Valentine-French

From a lifespan developmental perspective, growth and development do not stop in childhood or adolescence; they continue throughout adulthood. In this section we will build on Erikson’s psychosocial stages, then be introduced to theories about transitions that occur during adulthood. More recently, Arnett notes that transitions to adulthood happen at later ages than in the past and he proposes that there is a new stage between adolescence and early adulthood called, “emerging adulthood.”

Erikson’s Theory

Intimacy vs. isolation.

Photo of a young couple looking at photos taken on a camera.

Erikson [1] believed that the main task of early adulthood is to establish intimate relationships and not feel isolated from others. Intimacy does not necessarily involve romance; it involves caring about another and sharing one’s self without losing one’s self. This developmental crisis of “intimacy versus isolation” is affected by how the adolescent crisis of “identity versus role confusion” was resolved (in addition to how the earlier developmental crises in infancy and childhood were resolved). The young adult might be afraid to get too close to someone else and lose her or his sense of self, or the young adult might define her or himself in terms of another person. Intimate relationships are more difficult if one is still struggling with identity. Achieving a sense of identity is a life-long process, but there are periods of identity crisis and stability. Additional, according to Erikson, [2] having some sense of identity is essential for intimate relationships. Although, consider what that would mean for previous generations of women who may have defined themselves through their husbands and marriages, or for Eastern cultures today that value interdependence rather than independence.

Friendships as a source of intimacy

In our twenties, intimacy needs may be met in friendships rather than with partners. This is especially true in the United States today as many young adults postpone making long-term commitments to partners either in marriage or in cohabitation.

Gaining Adult Status

Many of the developmental tasks of early adulthood involve becoming part of the adult world and gaining independence. Young adults sometimes complain that they are not treated with respect, especially if they are put in positions of authority over older workers. Consequently, young adults may emphasize their age to gain credibility from those who are even slightly younger. “You’re only 23? I’m 27!” a young adult might exclaim. [Note: This kind of statement is much less likely to come from someone in their 40s!]

The focus of early adulthood is often on the future. Many aspects of life are on hold while people seek additional education, go to work, and prepare for a brighter future. There may be a belief that the hurried life now lived will improve ‘as soon as I finish school’ or ‘as soon as I get promoted’ or ‘as soon as the children get a little older.’ As a result, time may seem to pass rather quickly. The day consists of meeting many demands that these tasks bring. The incentive for working so hard is that it will all result in a better future.

Photo of three women blowing confetti at the camera.

Adulthood, then, is a period of building and rebuilding one’s life. Many of the decisions that are made in early adulthood are made before a person has had enough experience to really understand the consequences of such decisions. And, perhaps, many of these initial decisions are made with one goal in mind – to be se en as an adult. As a result, early decisions may be driven more by the expectations of others. For example, imagine someone who chose a career path based on other’s advice but now finds that the job is not what was expected.

Temperament and Personality in Early Adulthood

Remember, t emperament is defined as the innate characteristics of the infant, including mood, activity level, and emotional reactivity, noticeable soon after birth . Does one’s temperament remain stable through the lifespan? Do shy and inhibited babies grow up to be shy adults, while the sociable child continues to be the life of the party? Like most developmental research the answer is more complicated than a simple yes or no. Chess and Thomas, [3] who identified children as easy, difficult, slow-to-warm-up or blended, found that children identified as easy grew up to became well-adjusted adults, while those who exhibited a difficult temperament were not as well-adjusted as adults. Kagan [4] has studied the temperamental category of inhibition to the unfamiliar in children. Infants exposed to unfamiliarity reacted strongly to the stimuli and cried loudly, pumped their limbs, and had an increased heart rate. Research has indicated that these highly reactive children show temperamental stability into early childhood, and Bohlin and Hagekull [5] found that shyness in infancy was linked to social anxiety in adulthood.

An important aspect of this research on inhibition was looking at the response of the amygdala, which is important for fear and anxiety, especially when confronted with possible threatening events in the environment. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRIs) young adults identified as strongly inhibited toddlers showed heightened activation of the amygdala when compared to those identified as uninhibited toddlers. [6]

The research does seem to indicate that temperamental stability holds for many individuals through the lifespan, yet we know that one’s environment can also have a significant impact. Recall from our discussion on epigenesis or how environmental factors are thought to change gene expression by switching genes on and off. Many cultural and environmental factors can affect one’s temperament, including supportive versus abusive child-rearing, socioeconomic status, stable homes, illnesses, teratogens, etc. Additionally, individuals often choose environments that support their temperament, which in turn further strengthens them. [7] In summary, because temperament is genetically driven, genes appear to be the major reason why temperament remains stable into adulthood. In contrast, the environment appears mainly responsible for any change in temperament. [8]

Everybody has their own unique personality ; that is, their characteristic manner of thinking, feeling, behaving, and relating to others . [9] Personality traits refer to these characteristic, routine ways of thinking, feeling, and relating to others. Personality integrates one’s temperament with cultural and environmental influences. Consequently, there are signs or indicators of these traits in childhood, but they become particularly evident when the person is an adult. Personality traits are integral to each person’s sense of self, as they involve what people value, how they think and feel about things, what they like to do, and, basically, what they are like most every day throughout much of their lives.

Five-Factor Model

There are hundreds of different personality traits, and all of these traits can be organized into the broad dimensions referred to as the Five-Factor Model. [10] These five broad domains include: Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism (Think OCEAN to remember). This applies to traits that you may use to describe yourself. Table 7.2 provides illustrative traits for low and high scores on the five domains of this model of personality.



	A general appreciation for art, emotion, adventure, unusual ideas, imagination, curiosity, and variety of experience	Individuals who are highly open to experience tend to have distinctive and unconventional decorations in their home. They are also likely to have books on a wide variety of topics, a diverse music collection, and works of art on display.
	A tendency to show self- discipline, act dutifully, and aim for achievement	Individuals who are conscientious have a preference for planned rather than spontaneous behavior.
	The tendency to experience positive emotions and to seek out stimulation and the company of others	Extroverts enjoy being with people. In groups they like to talk, assert themselves, and draw attention to themselves.
	A tendency to be compassionate and cooperative rather than suspicious and antagonistic toward others; reflects individual differences in general concern for social harmony	Agreeable individuals value getting along with others. They are generally considerate, friendly, generous, helpful, and willing to compromise their interests with those of others.
	The tendency to experience negative emotions, such as anger, anxiety, or depression; sometimes called “emotional instability”	Those who score high in neuroticism are more likely to interpret ordinary situations as threatening and minor frustrations as hopelessly difficult. They may have trouble thinking clearly, making decisions, and coping effectively with stress.

P ersonality can change throughout adulthood. Longitudinal studies reveal average changes during adulthood in the expression of some traits (e.g., neuroticism and openness decrease with age and conscientiousness increases) and individual differences in these patterns due to idiosyncratic life events (e.g., divorce, illness). Longitudinal research also suggests that adult personality traits, such as conscientiousness, predict important life outcomes including job success, health, and longevity. [12] [13]

The Harvard Health Letter [14] identifies research correlations between conscientiousness and lower blood pressure, lower rates of diabetes and stroke, fewer joint problems, being less likely to engage in harmful behaviors, being more likely to stick to healthy behaviors, and more likely to avoid stressful situations. Conscientiousness also appears related to career choices, friendships, and stability of marriage. Lastly, a person possessing both self-control and organizational skills, both related to conscientiousness, may withstand the effects of aging better and have stronger cognitive skills than one who does not possess these qualities.

Attachment in Emerging/Young Adulthood


	I find it relatively easy to get close to others and am comfortable depending on them and having them depend on me. I don’t often worry about being abandoned or about someone getting too close to me.
	I am somewhat uncomfortable being close to others; I find it difficult to trust them completely, difficult to allow myself to depend on them. I am nervous when anyone gets too close, and often, love partners want me to be more intimate than I feel comfortable being.
	I find that others are reluctant to get as close as I would like. I often worry that my partner doesn’t really love me or won’t stay with me. I want to merge completely with another person, and this sometimes scares people away.

Hazan and Shaver [16] described the attachment styles of adults, using the same three general categories proposed by Ainsworth’s research on young children; secure, avoidant, and anxious/ambivalent. Hazan and Shaver developed three brief paragraphs describing the three adult attachment styles. Adults were then asked to think about romantic relationships they were in and select the paragraph that best described the way they felt, thought, and behaved in these relationships (See Table 7.3.). [17]

Bartholomew [18] challenged the categorical view of attachment in adults and suggested that adult attachment was best described as varying along two dimensions; attachment related-anxiety and attachment-related avoidance. Attachment-related anxiety refers to the extent to which an adult worries about whether their partner really loves them. Those who score high on this dimension fear that their partner will reject or abandon them. [19] Attachment-related avoidance refers to whether an adult can open up to others, and whether they trust and feel they can depend on others . Those who score high on attachment- related avoidance are uncomfortable with opening up and may fear that such dependency may limit their sense of autonomy. [20] According to Bartholomew [21] this would yield four possible attachment styles in adults; secure, dismissing, preoccupied, and fearful- avoidant (see Figure 7.10)

Securely attached adults score lower on both dimensions. They are comfortable trusting their partners and do not worry excessively about their partner’s love for them. Adults with a dismissing style score low on attachment-related anxiety, but higher on attachment-related avoidance. Such adults dismiss the importance of relationships. They trust themselves, but do not trust others, thus do not share their dreams, goals, and fears with others. They do not depend on other people, and feel uncomfortable when they have to do so.

Those with a preoccupied attachment are low in attachment-related avoidance, but high in attachment-related anxiety. Such adults are often prone to jealousy and worry that their partner does not love them as much as they need to be loved. Adults whose attachment style is fearful- avoidant score high on both attachment-related avoidance and attachment-related anxiety. These adults want close relationships, but do not feel comfortable getting emotionally close to others. They have trust issues with others and often do not trust their own social skills in maintaining relationships.

Research on attachment in adulthood has found that:

Adults with insecure attachments report lower satisfaction in their relationships. [22] [23]

Those high in attachment-related anxiety tend to report more daily conflict in their relationships. [24]

Those with avoidant attachment exhibit less support to their partners. [25]

Young adults tend to show greater attachment-related anxiety than do middle-aged or older adults. [26]

Some studies report that young adults tend to show more attachment-related avoidance, [27] while other studies find that middle-aged adults tend to show higher avoidance than younger or older adults. [28]

Young adults with more secure and positive relationships with their parents tend to make the transition to adulthood more easily than do those with more insecure attachments. [29]

Do people with certain attachment styles attract those with similar styles?

When people are asked what kinds of psychological or behavioral qualities they are seeking in a romantic partner, a large majority of people indicate that they are seeking someone who is kind, caring, trustworthy, and understanding, that is the kinds of attributes that characterize a “secure” caregiver. [30] However, we know that people do not always end up with others who meet their ideals. Are secure people more likely to end up with secure partners, and, vice versa, are insecure people more likely to end up with insecure partners? The majority of the research that has been conducted to date suggests that the answer is “yes.”

One important question is whether these findings exist because (a) secure people are more likely to be attracted to other secure people, (b) secure people are likely to create security in their partners over time, or (c) some combination of these possibilities. Existing empirical research strongly supports the first alternative. For example, when people have the opportunity to interact with individuals who vary in security in a speed-dating context, they express a greater interest in those who are higher in security than those who are more insecure. [31] However, there is also some evidence that people’s attachment styles mutually shape one another in close relationships.

Childhood experiences shape adult attachment

The majority of research on this issue relies on adults’ reports of what they recall about their childhood experiences. This kind of work suggests that secure adults are more likely to describe their early childhood experiences with their parents as being supportive, loving, and kind. [32] A number of longitudinal studies are emerging that demonstrate prospective associations between early attachment experiences and adult attachment styles and/or interpersonal functioning in adulthood.

It is easy to come away from such findings with the mistaken assumption that early experiences “determine” later outcomes. To be clear: Attachment theorists assume that the relationship between early experiences and subsequent outcomes is probabilistic, not deterministic. Having supportive and responsive experiences with caregivers early in life is assumed to set the stage for positive social development. But that does not mean that attachment patterns cannot change over time. For instance, even if an individual has far from optimal experiences in early life, attachment theory suggests that it is possible for that individual to develop well-functioning adult relationships through a number of corrective experiences, including relationships with siblings, other family members, teachers, and close friends. Security is best viewed as a culmination of a person’s attachment history rather than a reflection of only the person’s early experiences. Those early experiences are considered important, not because they determine a person’s fate, but because they provide the foundation for subsequent experiences.

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Individual and Family Development, Health, and Well-being Copyright © 2022 by Diana Lang; Nick Cone; Margaret Clark-Plaskie; Laura Overstreet; Martha Lally; and Suzanne Valentine-French is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

Can Personality Change?

Reviewed by Psychology Today Staff

Almost by definition, personality traits are thought to be enduring psychological features. They mark someone as thinking and behaving in a characteristic way right now—and, probably, tomorrow and even a year from now. Indeed, research on personality development over time indicates that, at least in adulthood, individuals’ comparative ratings on traits such as extroversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness are relatively stable.

At the same time, it’s clear that people’s personalities do gradually evolve over the lifespan, from childhood through older age, and potentially shift in conjunction with important life events, such as romantic partnerships. Individuals may even be able to change aspects of their personalities through their own volition.

While traits show stability over time, personality can indeed change—and psychologists continue to explore why, how, and when that happens.

Psychologists who have analyzed data on personalities taken decades apart in the lifespan find evidence for both stability and change. That is, people often resemble themselves over time rather than changing dramatically—and will likely remain more extroverted or neurotic than most if they start out that way. But there are also overall trends showing that people tend to rate higher or lower on certain traits with the passage of years.

In short, people seem to mature, or become more socially adapted, over time in ways that show up on personality tests. Personality data taken first in youth and again 50 years later showed increases in traits such as calmness (thought to be related to emotional stability) and social sensitivity (related to agreeableness). Other work has found evidence that narcissism decreases , on average, over time.

Children, studies suggest, may show increasingly more distinct trait profiles as they grow older. Research involving adolescents and young adults indicates fluctuations in personality over time: In the teen years, for instance, boys may become less conscientious and girls less emotionally stable, on average, with both gaining in those traits as they reach adulthood. Agreeableness also seems to increase.

They might. Some research has found an overall decline in agreeableness among newlywed husbands and wives . Husbands also exhibited lowered extroversion and greater conscientiousness, on average, and wives showed decreased openness and neuroticism. Past work has also connected first long-term relationships with decreases in aspects of neuroticism.

People can evolve over the course of experience-filled years for many different reasons. But what about the person who wants to become more conscientious or agreeable, or less neurotic or self-centered, and to do so ASAP? Recent research provides reason to be hopeful about the possibilities for intentional, self-directed personality change—though it likely requires more than just wishing to be a certain way.

It seems possible. Several of the Big Five traits, including extroversion, conscientiousness, and agreeableness, seem amenable to volitional change—via exercises like deliberately saying hello to someone new (for extroversion)—though consistency in these efforts appeared to be important. Neuroticism (or emotional stability) is also apparently changeable, whether through special courses or through a time-worn method of change: psychotherapy .

Some interventions used to enable people to change their personalities have unfolded on the scale of months. But recent research suggests that even a two-week, smartphone-based intervention may be enough to enhance a specific facet of personality like self-discipline—at least in the short-term.

Yes. While personality disorders are thought of as long-term patterns of maladaptive thinking and behavior, there is evidence that over time, symptoms of a personality disorder can decrease—even if certain psychological and social impairments remain . In some cases, therapy may be helpful in improving functioning: For example, Dialectical Behavior Therapy is one approach commonly used to treat borderline personality disorder.

As we learn about how much and in what ways personalities develop over time, questions still abound about what, exactly, gives a person a particular set of traits to begin with. As with other psychological characteristics, personality traits are influenced by one’s genes as well as other factors—and not necessarily the ones we think.

Many theories have been offered over the centuries, and there are still differences of opinion. But contemporary scientific research indicates that some portion of personality differences are explained by people’s genes, a small proportion at most is linked to environmental influences shared within a family, like parenting, and much of the differences result from many other non-genetic developmental factors . Some theorists propose that social role changes influence personality in significant ways as a person grows up.

Estimates suggest the amount of difference between people (or variance) in personality ratings that can be attributed to genes—the heritability of personality—is less than half. A 2015 analysis gave an overall estimate of 40 percent, though it varied depending on the type of study. These figures are based on studies of twins and other approaches for exploring the contribution of genetic and non-genetic factors. Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) are now used to explore the specific links between many small genetic differences and people’s traits.

Despite popular ideas and psychological theorizing about the effects of being a firstborn sibling, the “baby” of the family, or a middle child, recent studies show no evidence that birth order plays a substantial role in shaping personality. Research on only children has also found little to no difference between their personalities and those of others.

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Striving for perfection is more important to orthorexia than concerns over imperfection.

Patients beset by a need-fear dilemma have a simultaneous need for and fear of closeness in interpersonal relationships.

When extraversion becomes attention seeking, try this.

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The Curious Personality Changes of Older Age

When people lose the ability to control their circumstances, their selves sometimes evolve instead.

A group of older women chatting in a retro-looking laundry shop

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Y ou’ve probably heard the saying “You can’t teach an old dog new tricks.” An awful phrase, I know, but it speaks to a common belief about older adulthood: that it’s a time of stagnation. A time when we’ve become so set in our ways that, whether we’re proud of them or not, we’re not likely to budge.

Psychologists used to follow the same line of thinking: After young adulthood, people tend to settle into themselves, and personality, though not immutable, usually becomes stabler as people age. And that’s true—until a certain point. More recent studies suggest that something unexpected happens to many people as they reach and pass their 60s: Their personality starts changing again.

This trend is probably observed in older populations in part because older adults are more likely to experience brain changes such as cognitive impairment and dementia. But some researchers don’t believe the phenomenon is fully explained by those factors. People’s personality can morph in response to their circumstances, helping them shift priorities, come to terms with loss, and acclimate to a changing life. These developments illuminate what personality really is: not a permanent state but an adaptive way of being. And on a societal level, personality changes might tell us something about the conditions that older adults face.

Read: Life is worse for older people now

P sychologists have identified certain major, measurable personality traits called the “Big Five”: agreeableness, conscientiousness, extroversion, openness to experience, and neuroticism. And they can track how those traits increase or decrease in a group over time. To the surprise of many in the field, those kinds of studies are revealing that the strongest personality changes tend to happen before age 30—and after 60 . In that phase of later adulthood, people seem to decrease, on average, in openness to experience, conscientiousness, and extroversion—particularly a subcategory of extroversion called “social vitality.” And neuroticism tends to increase, especially closer to the end of one’s life.

We can’t say with certainty what factors are driving these shifts, but a few theories exist. One possibility is that personality is shaped by specific life events that tend to happen in older age: retirement, empty nesting, widowhood. But such milestones, it turns out, aren’t very reliable sources of change; they affect some people deeply and others not at all. Any one event could mean many different things, depending on its context. Jenny Wagner, a psychologist at the University of Hamburg, in Germany, gave me some examples. Losing a partner could be a tremendous loss, but for some it could be a bit of a relief at the same time—say, for someone who’s been caring for their ailing spouse for years. Retirement is the same: Where one person might be jumping from book club to vacation, another might be hobbled by lack of income, forced to move away from friends to a cheaper part of town.

At any age, life events can affect people differently. But in older adulthood particularly, researchers told me, people’s daily realities vary wildly, so factors like health and social support are probably better predictors of personality change. “What you really want to know,” Wiebke Bleidorn, a personality psychologist at the University of Zurich, told me, “is What are people’s lives like? ” If someone is no longer strong enough to go to dinner parties every week, they might grow less extroverted; if someone needs to be more careful of physical dangers like falling, it makes sense that they’d grow more neurotic.

Read: I gave myself three months to change my personality

The idea that people might change who they are—really change, in a deep and even lasting way—in response to their circumstances might seem surprising. Many of us think of personality not as a set of dials we can modulate strategically but as something more akin to a hand of cards you’ve been dealt. In truth, personality can likely be nudged by our environment and our relationships—our commitments to other people, and their expectations for us—at any age. But before older adulthood, people might commonly be less pressed to change themselves; they can usually change their habits and environments instead. Brent Roberts, a psychology professor at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, told me that “we construct our world to avoid” personality change. But if you can’t take yourself to the grocery store, much less move to a different city, you might need to adapt. Once you lose control over elements of your life, Bleidorn said, you may alter your personality instead.

Granted, old-age personality changes don’t always result from a sense of helplessness or an endlessly shrinking life. Research has shown that when people get older, they commonly recalibrate their goals ; though they might be doing less, they tend to prioritize what they find meaningful and really appreciate it. A decline in openness to experience, then, could reflect someone relishing their routine rather than seeking new thrills; a decline in extroversion could indicate that they’re satisfied spending time with the people they already love. That may involve adjusting to what they can’t control, but it doesn’t necessarily mean they’re reacting to a bad life—just a different one.

At the same time, not all of the changes that come with old age are inevitable. And if older adults had more support from their communities and society, perhaps they’d be better able to command their circumstances—rather than having to compensate for factors slipping out of their grasp.

Read: When does someone become “old”?

Loneliness—which affects roughly 43 percent of Americans 60 and over—can be a particular challenge for older people who, depending on their health and living situation, may have a hard time mitigating it. Older adults commonly experience friends dying, or have to move farther away from friends to enter care facilities or be closer to family; health issues can make socializing physically harder, especially for those who can’t safely drive. And the pandemic has pushed many older people further into seclusion than ever. But there are ways to work against these factors : Programs to help with home modifications could allow older adults to stay in their houses and neighborhoods for longer; affordable housing in areas with large senior populations could help older adults live in close proximity to one another; car services and more accessible public transit could transport them to social events. “To the extent that we can create communities for older individuals,” Roberts told me, “they would probably show a more healthy pattern of personality change.”

One study, for instance, found that older adults who felt they had more social support were more likely to grow in conscientiousness over time. You can imagine similarly positive results might stem from older adults having access to the health care they need, or having the tools to navigate their daily lives safely and without total dependence on others. Dan Mroczek, a psychologist at Northwestern University, gave me a common example: Say someone has put off leaving their home for a care facility, and one day they find they’re unable to climb their own stairs. Now they need to move out fast—but spots are filled in all of the most palatable places. He wouldn’t be surprised, he told me, if someone quickly grew more neurotic in that situation.

There’s a stereotype that older people are grumpy shut-ins—withering away inside while yelling at some kid to get off their lawn. That judgment is obviously sweeping and unfair, but perhaps it’s also emerged, in part, from some real tendencies—tendencies that might be better understood as justified reactions to a harsh and inaccessible world. America’s population is rapidly growing older , and life expectancy, except for a recent dip , has been getting longer. By 2040, about one in five Americans will be 65 or older; as recently as 2000, that number was one in eight. Perhaps we’d do well to consider what older people’s living conditions can push them to become.

About the Author

ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Personality development in emerging adulthood—how the perception of life events and mindset affect personality trait change.

$\nJantje Hinrika De Vries$

1 Personality Psychology and Psychological Assessment, Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin, Germany
2 Division HR Diagnostics AG, Stuttgart, Germany

Personality changes throughout the life course and change is often caused by environmental influences, such as critical life events. In the present study, we investigate personality trait development in emerging adulthood as a result of experiencing two major life events: graduating from school and moving away from home. Thereby, we examined the occurrence of the two life events per se and the subjective perception of the critical life event in terms of valence. In addition, we postulate a moderation effect of the construct of mindset, which emphasizes that beliefs over the malleability of global attributes can be seen as predictors of resilience to challenges. This suggests that mindset acts as a buffer for these two distinct events. In a large longitudinal sample of 1,243 people entering adulthood, we applied latent structural equation modeling to assess mean-level changes in the Big Five, the influence of life events per se , the subjective perception of life events, and a moderating role of mindset. In line with maturity processes, results showed significant mean-level changes in all Big Five traits. While no changes in the Big Five dimensions were noted when the mere occurrence of an event is assessed, results indicated a greater increase in extraversion and diminished increase in emotional stability when we accounted for the individual's (positive/negative) perception of the critical life event. In case of extraversion, this also holds true for the moderator mindset. Our findings contribute valuable insights into the relevance of subjective appraisals to life events and the importance of underlying processes to these events.

Introduction

People change as they age. Individuals experience not only physical but also psychological changes across the entire lifespan. However, the exact course of internal and external changes depends on various criteria. In recent years, researchers have expended considerable effort in studying how personality develops across the lifespan; this has, in turn, incited a controversy about the stability and variability of specific personality traits. Personality traits are considered to be relatively stable individual differences in affect, behavior, and/or cognition ( Johnson, 1997 ). Whereas, the Big Five traits of conscientiousness and agreeableness appear to be rather stable and continuously increase across adulthood, levels of openness to experience appear to change in an inverted U-shape function, which increases between the ages of 18 and 22 and decreases between 60 and 70 ( McCrae and Costa, 1999 ; Roberts and DelVecchio, 2000 ; Specht et al., 2011 ). Furthermore, some studies have shown that trait change can be associated with particular life stages. For example, the findings of Roberts and Mroczek (2008) suggest that young adults tend to exhibit increases in traits that are indicative of greater social maturity. More specifically, in emerging adulthood, the average individual experiences an increase in emotional stability, conscientiousness, and agreeableness ( Arnett, 2000 ; Roberts et al., 2006 ; Bleidorn, 2015 ), and self-esteem ( Orth et al., 2018 ), while openness to experience seems to decrease in advancing age ( Roberts et al., 2006 ). Taken together, this comprises evidence that personality develops throughout the lifespan and consequently, several theories have been introduced to explain when and why personality change occurs (e.g., Cattell, 1971 ; Baltes, 1987 ; Caspi and Moffitt, 1993 ; McCrae and Costa, 1999 ; Roberts and Mroczek, 2008 ).

Critical Life Events

Theory and research support the idea that personality can change as a result of intrinsic factors such as genetics and extrinsic factors such as the environment around us ( Bleidorn and Schwaba, 2017 ; Wagner et al., 2020 ). More specifically, there is ample evidence that personality is linked to certain external influences such as critical life events (e.g., Lüdtke et al., 2011 ; Bleidorn et al., 2018 ). These can be defined as “transitions that mark the beginning or the end of a specific status” ( Luhmann et al., 2012 ; p. 594) and include leaving the parental home or major changes in one's status such as employment or duty. These transitions often require adaptation processes involving new behavioral, cognitive, or emotional responses ( Hopson and Adams, 1976 ; Luhmann et al., 2012 , 2014 ). Profound adaptations are assumed to have lasting effects, as “life events can modify, interrupt or redirect life trajectories by altering individuals' feelings, thoughts and behaviors” ( Bleidorn et al., 2018 , p. 83). Building upon this assumption, many studies have sought to determine how certain Big Five traits change because of critical life events. For instance, increases in emotional stability were found to result from transitioning into one's first romantic relationship ( Lehnart et al., 2010 ). Emotional stability might also increase in anticipation of gain-based events such as childbirth or paid employment, which, in turn, lead to increases in conscientiousness and openness to experience ( Denissen et al., 2018 ).

In the present study, we focus on two critical life events that are highly relevant for emerging adults: moving away from home and graduating from school. Both events represent a personal development milestone for the transition into adulthood and are typically associated with great educational or occupational challenges ( Arnett, 2000 ; Pusch et al., 2018 ). Few studies have highlighted these two events and how they influence life trajectories in emerging adulthood. Lüdtke et al. (2011 ) focused on the broader superordinate section of work-related life events and personality change and found that the transition from high school to college, university, or vocational training is associated with substantial normative increases in emotional stability, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. With regard to graduation from school, Bleidorn (2012) found significant mean-level changes in certain Big Five traits over an observation period of 1 year. Specifically, senior students experienced increases in conscientiousness, agreeableness, and openness after graduation. In a later review by Bleidorn et al. (2018) , the authors found that graduation constitutes an almost universal life event in Western societies and that related change in adult personality is likely to be observable, because young adulthood is a period in which personality traits have been shown to be most open to change ( Roberts and DelVecchio, 2000 ; Lucas and Donnellan, 2011 ).

There are fewer investigations into the personality effects of moving away from home. Pusch et al. (2018) compared age differences in emerging vs. young adults and found that, among other life events, leaving the parental home did not reveal significant age effects with respect to personality change. However, they found significant age-invariant effects for individuals who left their parental home recently, indicating positive changes in agreeableness. Jonkmann et al. (2014) investigated living arrangements after college with regard to personality differences and found that, for example, the choice of living arrangement (living with roommates vs. living alone) predicted the development of conscientiousness and—to a lesser extent—openness and agreeableness. Similarly, according to a study by Niehoff et al. (2017) , living and studying abroad after college led to increases in extraversion, agreeableness, and emotional stability. Interestingly, Specht et al. (2011) found a significant sex effect on leaving the parental home and argued that only women become more emotionally stable when moving. Taken together, this evidence suggests that moving away from home is a major life event that has not yet been deeply investigated but represents a distinct developmental task that has the potential to shape individuals' personalities.

The Perception of Life Events

While these studies provide valuable information about the impact of critical life events, one important issue has been hitherto neglected. Many past studies have focused on life events per se , but comparatively little effort has been made to examine the subjective appraisal of such events and its effect on the processes underlying personality change ( Roberts, 2009 ). Moreover, methodological approaches to life events are sometimes misleading, because the valence of experienced events is rated by either researchers or other people who cannot sufficiently reflect inter- and intra-individual experiences of events ( Headey and Wearing, 1989 ; Kendler et al., 2003 ; Luhmann et al., 2020 ). However, there is ample evidence that people perceive the same event or situation very differently. For example, according to a comprehensive review of person-situation transactions by Rauthmann et al. (2015) , situations can be characterized by their physical (e.g., location, activity, persons) and/or psychological (e.g., task-related, threatening, pleasant) properties. Rauthmann et al. (2015) further state that “situations only have consequences for people's thinking, feeling, desiring, and acting through the psychological processing they receive” (p. 372). Thus, people's individual experiences of psychological situations may deviate from how these situations are experienced by most other people (reality principle). This assumption aligns with the TESSERA framework conceived by Wrzus and Roberts (2017) . According to the authors, events and single situations can trigger expectancies about how to act and adjust in similar situations. These expectancies then determine which state occurs after the corresponding trigger by choosing a response from a variety of possible states ( Wrzus and Roberts, 2017 ). Conjointly, two people can perceive the same situation or event very differently, leading to diverse reactions and psychological meanings.

A first step toward this important distinction was proposed by Luhmann et al. (2020) , who aimed to systematically examined the effects of life events on psychological outcomes. To do so, the authors proposed a dimensional taxonomy which that considers nine perceived characteristics of major life events. I this way, the study uniquely emphasizes the difference between assessing the mere occurrence of a critical life event and taking into account subjective appraisal. However, significantly more research is needed to fully explore how this causes lasting personality trait change.

In conclusion, two aspects of person-situation transactions should be highlighted. First, one situation can be interpreted very differently by two individuals. Expectations and individual goals—as well as variable expressions of personality traits—influence the extent to which a situation is perceived as meaningful and, therefore, determine how people approach it ( Bleidorn, 2012 ; Denissen et al., 2013 , 2018 ). Second, this is also true for life events. Two people can reasonably experience the same major life event as completely differently. Therefore, we focus the present study on the valence of two distinct life events and use this characteristic as our central parameter. In particular, in emerging adulthood, individuals might perceive the behavioral expectations and demands associated with a life event as more pressing than others ( Pusch et al., 2018 ). What remains less clear is how situational perceptions affect personality change after a major life event, but with respect to the current string of literature, it seems reductive to only ask if, but not how, critical life events are experienced.

The Moderating Role of Mindset

In the previous section, we examined how diverse critical life events can be perceived. Here, we extend our theoretical approach by focusing on the underlying processes that might account for the different perception and spotlight causes of individual personality trait changes. One construct that is highly relevant to the aforementioned regulatory mechanisms is the individual belief system mindset. According to Dweck (1999) , an individual's mindset refers to the implicit belief about the malleability of personal attributes. Dweck (1999) distinguishes between growth and fixed mindsets. The growth mindset emphasizes the belief that attributes like intelligence and personality are changeable. Conversely, the fixed mindset refers to the belief that such attributes are immutable. According to Dweck (2012) , the individual mindset is not static and can be changed throughout one's life. Actively changing one's mindset toward a growth mindset was found to decrease chronic adolescent aggression, enhance people's willpower, and redirect critical academic outcomes ( Dweck, 2012 ; Yeager et al., 2019 ). Moreover, Blackwell et al. (2007) found that the belief that intelligence is malleable (incremental theory) predicted an upward trajectory in grades over 2 years of junior high school, while the belief that intelligence is fixed (entity theory) predicted a flat trajectory. Yet, according to a meta-analysis from Sisk et al. (2018) , mindset interventions for academic achievement predominately benefitted students with low socioeconomic status or who are at-risk academically. Mindset has also been linked to business-related outcomes (e.g., Kray and Haselhuhn, 2007 ; Heslin and Vandewalle, 2008 ). That is, individuals with a growth mindset tend to use “higher-order” cognitive strategies and adapt to stress more easily ( Heslin and Vandewalle, 2008 ). Likewise, mindset has been linked to health outcomes and even mental illness, with the assumption that a growth mindset buffers against psychological distress and depression (e.g., Biddle et al., 2003 ; Burnette and Finkel, 2012 ; Schroder et al., 2017 ). Therefore, a growth mindset can be considered a predictor of psychological resilience ( Saeed et al., 2018 ).

With regard to changes in personality traits, the findings have been mixed. Hudson et al. (2020) investigated college students' beliefs by adapting a personality measure into a mindset measure and administering it within a longitudinal study. They found that the mere belief that personality is malleable (or not) did not affect trait changes. However, in her Unified Theory of Motivation, Personality, and Development, Dweck (2017) suggests that basic needs, mental representations (e.g., beliefs and emotions), and action tendencies (referred to as BEATs) contribute to personality development. Dweck further argues that mental representations shape motivation by informing goal selection and subsequently form personality traits by creating recurring experiences ( Dweck, 2017 ). Thus, there might be more information about indicators such as the integration of mindset, motivation, and environmental influences necessary to understand how personality traits change according to belief systems.

In summary, there is evidence that a belief in the malleability of global attributes allows individuals to adapt to life circumstances in a goal-directed way and that individuals' mindsets determine responses to challenges ( Dweck and Leggett, 1988 ). Building upon the existing literature around environmental influences on personality traits and the diverse effects of mindset, we argue that after experiencing a critical life event, individuals with a growth mindset will adapt to a new situation more easily and accordingly exhibit greater change in relating personality traits. In contrast, individuals with a fixed mindset might react in a more rigid way to unknown circumstances and thus don't experience the need adapt, resulting in no personality trait change.

The Present Study

This study aims to contribute to the literature around external and internal influences on personality development in emerging adulthood by analyzing changes in the Big Five, the influences of the occurrence of life events per se vs. their subjective perception, and the possible moderating effects of mindset in a longitudinal study with a large sample. Most prior studies have focused on personality development in adulthood (e.g., Roberts and Jackson, 2008 ; Lucas and Donnellan, 2011 ; Wrzus and Roberts, 2017 ; Damian et al., 2018 ; Denissen et al., 2018 ), but emerging adulthood is marked by tremendous changes; thus, we focus our analyses on this period. According to Arnett (2000 , 2007) , emerging adulthood is considered a distinct stage between adolescence and full-fledged adulthood. This is seen as a critical life period because it is characterized by more transformation, exploration, and personality formation than any other life stage in adulthood ( Arnett, 2000 ; Ziegler et al., 2015 ; Bleidorn and Schwaba, 2017 ). With regard to beliefs systems, Yeager et al. (2019) argue that beliefs that affect how, for example, students make sense of ongoing challenges are most important and salient during high-stakes developmental turning points such as pubertal maturation. For this reason, it is particularly compelling to investigate environmental influences such as major life events that shape the trajectory of personality trait change in emerging adulthood.

To do so, we examined whether two major critical life events (graduating from school and moving away from home) affect personality development. We chose these two major life events because they are uniquely related to emerging adulthood and because existing research has found mixed results regarding their influence on personality trait change (e.g., Lüdtke et al., 2011 ; Specht et al., 2011 ; Pusch et al., 2018 ). Based on prior findings, we constructed three hypotheses. First, we expect that an increase in personality trait change will occur in individuals who graduate from school/move away from home but not in those who did not experience such events. Second, subjective perceptions of the two critical life events will influence personality trait changes in the Big Five. Third, we look at the underlying processes that influence personality and argue, that mindset will moderate the impact of the two stated life events/perception of life events on personality trait change.

Sample and Procedure

For this study, we created the German Personality Panel (GEPP) by collecting data from a large German sample in cooperation with a non-profit online survey provided by berufsprofiling.de . This organization assists emerging adults by providing job opportunities and post-graduation academic pathways. After completing the questionnaire, participants received feedback and vocational guidance. In 2016 and 2017, a total of 11,816 individuals between 13 and 30 years old ( M = 17.72 years; SD = 3.22, 50.71% female) took this survey. We used this first round of data-gathering as our longitudinal measurement occasion T1. If participants consented to be contacted again, we reached out via email in October 2018 to request their participation in a second survey. A total of 1,679 individuals between 14 and 26 years old ( M = 17.39, SD = 2.37, 64.82% female) agreed to participate and filled in a second online survey (second measurement occasion of GEPP, T2). The test battery at T2 took approximately 30–40 min, and we provided personalized feedback on personality development, as well as a monetary compensation, to all participants.

Because we were interested in emerging adults who were about to graduate from school?and thus found themselves in a critical time period?we excluded all participants older than 21 at T2. On the other hand, we included 14-year-old participants because they could have entered school in Germany at the age of five and thus graduated from secondary school and/or moved away from home by this age. At T2, 12% had not yet finished school, 32% held a secondary school certificate, and 57% held a university entrance diploma.

To further improve data quality, we obtained an indicator for careless responding by asking about self-reported diligence (“Did you work conscientiously on the test?”). Participants were informed that their answer had no impact on their compensation. At T2, 41 (3%) participants answered “No.” After excluding participants meeting this criterion, a sample of n = 1,243, aged 14–21 years ( M = 16.92, SD = 1.75, 67.23% women), remained for subsequent data analyses. All data and further materials are available via osf ( https://osf.io/xc6d4/?view_only=5b913c97553d48a290b75a3f725aca3d ).

Sample Attrition

Numerous email accounts were invalid at the second measurement point—for example, because students' personalized school email accounts were deleted following their graduation or because certain institutions used only a single email account to offer vocational counseling to college students ( N = 3,495). Those who did not participate at the second measurement point (dropouts) were slightly younger than those who participated (continuers) [ M (ageD) = 17.39; M (ageC) = 17.76; p ≤ 0.000, d = −0.12] and more women filled in the second questionnaire (dropouts = 50.9% women, continuers = 64.8% women; p ≤ 0.000, d = 0.31). Only modest selectivity effects (measured by Cohen's d ) in terms of mean differences in personality traits between dropouts and continuers were found at T1; thus, there was negligible systematic attrition ( Specht et al., 2011 ; Pusch et al., 2018 ). Continuers had slightly higher scores in agreeableness ( d = 0.17), conscientiousness ( d = 0.19), and openness ( d = 0.16) than dropouts, but they almost identical in terms of extraversion ( d = −0.08) and emotional stability ( d = 0.01).

Personality

Personality traits were assessed on both measurement occasions using a short version of the Big Five personality inventory for the vocational context (TAKE5; S&F Personalpsychologie Managementberatung GmbH, 2005 ). The TAKE5 has been shown to be a highly reliable and valid personality measure ( Mussel, 2012 ). In the short version of the test, each of the Big Five subscales (openness to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and emotional stability) consists of three items and was measured on a 7-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 ( strongly disagree ) to 7 ( strongly agree ). Example items for conscientiousness include (translated from German): “Nothing can stop me from completing an important task,” “People around me know me as a perfectionist,” and “My work is always carried out the highest quality standards.” Items were selected to cover the different aspects of each domain therefore internal consistencies provide no valuable indicator. Test-retest reliabilities for the TAKE5 between T1 and T2 were 0.69 for extraversion, 0.52 for openness to experience, 0.57 for conscientiousness, 0.58 for agreeableness, and 0.50 for emotional stability. Small to moderate reliability levels can be explained by the heterogeneity of the items and our attempt to capture rather broad personality constructs. Similar results have been reported for other brief personality scales ( Donnellan et al., 2006 ; Rammstedt et al., 2016 ). All descriptive statistics and correlations can be found in Table 1 , and bivariate correlations of all items can be found at osf ( https://osf.io/xc6d4/?view_only=5b913c97553d48a290b75a3f725aca3d ).

Table 1 . Correlations and descriptive statistics among variables.

Life Events

In the present study, we focus on two major life events that are highly characteristic of the critical period between the late teens and young adulthood ( Arnett, 2000 ; Lüdtke et al., 2011 ; Bleidorn, 2012 ): moving away from home and graduating from school. At T2, after completing the personality questionnaire, participants rated their subjective perception of each of the two life events on a dimensional 7-point Likert scale (1 = very negatively , 7 = very positively ). Of the initial sample, 68.38% of the participants had graduated from school, 47.66% had moved away from home, and 46.96% had experienced both life events. Participants who had graduated from school were older ( M = 17.32 years, SD = 1.84, female = 68.80%) compared to those who had not yet finished school ( M = 15.30 years, SD = 1.09, female = 68.21%). Those who had moved away from home were approximately 1 year older ( M = 17.53, SD = 1.89, female = 69.30%) compared to those did not yet moved away ( M = 16.29, SD =1.69, female = 66.91%). To avoid potential confounding effects, we only asked about events that had happened within the past year (after the first measurement occasion). This allowed us to account for experiences that took place before T1.

In the second step, in order to obtain a fuller picture, participants also had the option of rating an additional significant life event from a list of 18 potential life events from various domains—such as love and health—based on the Munich Life Event List (MEL; Maier-Diewald et al., 1983 ). However, the number of individuals who experienced these other life events was too small to allow for further analyses.

Participants' mindset was measured with a questionnaire based on Dweck's Mindset Instrument (DMI). The 16-item DMI was developed and created by Dweck (1999) and is used examine how students view their own personality and intelligence. In the current study, only items concerning beliefs about the malleability of personality were used. The mindset inventory items were “Personality traits are something a person cannot change,” “You have a certain personality and you really can't do much to change it,” and “You can learn new things, but you can't really change your basic personality.” At T2, participants were presented a 7-point response scale, ranging from 1 ( strongly disagree ) to 7 ( strongly agree ) ( M = 3.60, SD = 1.45). Items were reversed such that higher levels indicated a growth mindset. This short inventory was found to be highly reliable ( M = 3.60, SD = 1.45, ω = 0.81, 95% CI [0.70, 0.84]).

Statistical Analyses

Analyses were carried out in four steps. First, we conducted confirmatory factor analyses to test for measurement invariance across time points T1 and T2. Second, we constructed latent difference score models for all Big Five scales to test for mean differences in personality traits. Third, we investigated the impact of the life events moving away from home and graduating from school, as well as the perception of these two events on changes in the Big Five. Fourth, we added mindset as a moderator to the model. All statistical analyses were carried out in R and R Studio 1.2.1335 ( R Core Team, 2018 ).

Measurement invariance

To ensure that the same construct was being measured across time, we first tested for measurement invariance. For weak measurement invariance, we fixed the factor loadings for each indicator to be equal across measurement occasions and compared this model to the configural model, where no restrictions were applied. The same procedure was followed to assess strong measurement invariance, with the weak invariant model compared to a model with constrained intercepts to equality across time (e.g., the same intercept for Item 2 at T1 and Item 2 at T2) ( Newsom, 2015 ). To evaluate the model fit, comparative fit index (CFI), Tucker–Lewis index (TLI), root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), and standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) were inspected. Good fit was considered to be indicated when CFI and TLI values were 0.90 or higher, RMSEA below 0.08, and SRMR values below 0.05 ( Hu and Bentler, 1999 ; Marsh et al., 2005 ). The configural model showed good fit for all of the Big Five traits (All χ 2 [4 24], df = 5, CFI > [0.98 1.00], TLI > [0.94 1.00], RMSEA < [0.0 0.06], SRMR < [0.0 0.02]). Model fit for partial strong measurement invariance revealed similar fit (all χ 2 [9 50], df = 8, CFI > [0.96 1.00], TLI > [0.92 1.00], RMSEA < [0.01 0.07], SRMR < [0.01 0.03]) when freely estimating the intercept of the first manifest OCEAN item ( Cheung and Rensvold, 2002 ; Little et al., 2007 ). All further analyses are based on this model and full results for fit indices are presented in Table S1 .

Latent Change Score Models

To test for changes in personality over time, we applied latent structural equation modeling analysis with the R package lavaan (version 0.5-23.1097; Rosseel, 2012 ). Required sample size for the specified latent change score model was estimated by the R-toolbox semTools ( MacCallum et al., 2006 ; Jorgensen et al., 2018 ) for RMSEA = 0.05, df = 16, α = 0.05, and a statistical power of 90% to N = 672 individuals. Therefore, we consider our sample size to be sufficiently large.

As we were first interested in the rate of change, we built a multiple-indicator univariate latent change score model for each of the Big Five domains ( Figure 1 ). Each latent construct of interest (OCEAN) consisted of three observed measures (X1, X2, and X3) at two waves. Equality constraints were imposed on factor loadings and intercepts ( Newsom, 2015 ). Moreover, the autoregressive path was set equal to 1. The means, intercepts, and covariances at the first occasion and for the difference score factor were freely estimated, and all measurement residuals were allowed to correlate among the sets of repeated measurements ( McArdle et al., 2002 ). We accounted for missing data by applying robust maximum likelihood estimation. Finally, after specifying this basic model, the variables of interest—the occurrence of the life event, perception of the life event, and the moderator mindset—were added to the model.

Figure 1 . Schematic model of the multiple-indicator univariate latent change score model. The latent construct of interest (each personality trait) was measured at two time points (T1 and T2), using three indicators each time (X1, X2, X3). The lower part of the model constitutes the assessment of measurement invariance. “Δ latent change” captures change from the Big Five trait from T1 to T2. Latent regressions from “Δ latent change” on Mod→ Δ reflect the influence of the covariate perception of life event or the moderator mindset on the development of the Big Five. Straight arrows depict loadings and regression coefficients, curved arrows co-variances.

Standardized mean differences were calculated as an average of all intra-individual increases and decreases in a given personality trait over time. As illustrated in Figure 2 , all latent mean scores for the Big Five increased from T1 to T2. Conscientiousness and openness to experience exhibited the largest mean-level changes from T1 to T2, whereas agreeableness ( d = 0.02) and emotional stability ( d = 0.07) remained nearly the same. To test for changes in personality, we employed a multiple-indicator univariate latent change score model. Separate models for each of the Big Five all fit the data well (all CFI > 0.95, TLI > 0.93, RMSEA < 0.05, SRMR < 0.04). Inspecting the intercepts of the change factors revealed that all Big Five scores changed between T1 and T2, with less increase among individuals with high compared to low levels at T1. The latent means for each personality dimension at each time point, along with their fit indices, are reported in Table 2 .

Figure 2 . Mean-level changes in Big Five dimensions over measurement occasions T1 and T2.

Table 2 . Big Five mean-level change from T1 to T2 with fit indices, n = 1,243.

Life Events and Perception of Life Events

To assess personality trait change resulting from experiencing a life event, we included a standardized dichotomized variable “experiencing the life event vs. not” into the model. Again, the model fit the data well for both critical life events (all CFI > 0.94, TLI > 0.92, RMSEA < 0.05, SRMR < 0.04). However, comparing participants who had experienced one of the critical life events (moving away from home or graduating from school) to those who had not revealed that neither life event had a significant impact on changes in personality traits between T1 and T2 ( p >0.05).

To assess personality trait change resulting from perception of a life event, we included the standardized variable “perception of the life event” for each of the two events into the model and regressed the latent change score on the covariate. This time, results regarding the subjective perception of the life event graduating from school indicated a significant impact on personality change for emotional stability (χ 2 [16] = 94.07, CFI = 0.92, TLI = 0.90, RMSEA = 0.07, SRMR = 0.05, λ = 0.05, p [λ] < 0.05). Specifically, participants who had experienced graduating from school more negatively exhibited a diminished increase in emotional stability than compared to individuals who had experienced graduating from school more positively. We also found evidence that subjective perceptions are relevant for extraversion. A greater positive change in extraversion was observed when participants experienced graduating from school more positively than compared to negatively (χ 2 [16] = 23.90, CFI = 0.99, TLI = 0.99, RMSEA = 0.02, SRMR = 0.03, λ = 0.10, p [λ] = 0.05). Subjective perceptions moving away from home had no impact on trait changes in any of the Big Five traits. Descriptive statistics for the life events along with model fit indices can be found in Table S2 .

To test for a moderating role of mindset, an interaction term between mindset and each of the two critical life events was constructed. First, we built an interaction term between mindset and the dichotomous variable “experienced the life event” and regressed the latent change factor on the interaction term. Separate models for each of the Big Five all fit the data well (all CFI > 0.94, TLI > 0.92, RMSEA < 0.05, SRMR < 0.05). As shown in Table S3 , no effects for the Big Five traits were significant for the distinction between experienced the life event vs. did not experience the life event ( p > 0.05). Second, for each of the two life events an interaction term between mindset and perception of the life event was built analogously. For extraversion, we found a significant influence of the moderator when assessing the perception of graduating from school (χ 2 [16] = 25.62, CFI = 0.99, TLI = 0.99, RMSEA = 0.03, SRMR = 0.03, λ = −0.09, p [λ] = 0.05). Hence, a fixed mindset indicates less change in extraversion when experiencing the critical life event graduation from school. More specifically, regarding manifest means of extraversion, participants with a growth mindset experienced almost the same amount of increase in extraversion over time, regardless of their perception (positive or negative) of the critical life event. On the other hand, participants with a fixed mindset only show an increase in extraversion when they experienced the life event more positively (see Figure 3 ). No effects for the interaction between mindset and the critical life event moving away from home were significant.

Figure 3 . Change in trait extraversion for people with a fixed vs. growth mindset with regard to the perception of life event graduation from school .

The purpose of the present study was to investigate the effect of external sources such as life events and internal dispositions like the mindset on personality trait change. We assert that exploring whether the subjective experience of life events is associated with personality trait development constitutes an important future directions in various domains of personality research. Therefore, we took a closer look at the underlying processes, particularly as they relate to individual differences in situational perceptions and belief systems. We investigated how two critical life events (moving away from home and graduating from school) influence personality trait change, the role of subjective perceptions of these events, and how internal belief systems like mindset moderate the impact of life events on trait change.

Mean-Level Change

Since our sample was selected to be between 14 and 21 years of age, most of our participants were classified as emerging adults Arnett, 2000 , 2007 . A large body of research has consistently demonstrated that emerging adulthood is characterized by trait changes related to maturity processes (for an overview, see Roberts et al., 2006 ). Thus, emerging adults tend to experience increases in conscientiousness, emotional stability, openness, and (to a lesser degree) agreeableness. This pattern is often called the “maturity principle” of personality development, and it has been found to hold true cross-culturally ( Roberts and Jackson, 2008 ; Bleidorn, 2015 ). Although the effects were small, we found evidence for mean-level changes in line with the maturity principle and functional personality trait development. Extraversion, openness, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and emotional stability significantly increased over the 1-year period. The largest changes were found for openness and conscientiousness. These changes are most likely to be explained by attempts to satisfy mature expectations and engage in role-congruent behavior. While increases in openness might be due to identity exploration, higher scores on conscientiousness could reflect investment in age-related roles. Individuals might, for instance, take increased responsibility for social or career-related tasks that require more mature functioning ( Arnett, 2000 , 2007 ).

First, we analyzed whether the occurrence of a life event per se had an influence on personality trait change. In our study, neither of the critical life events?moving away from home or graduating from school?affected Big Five trait change over the two measurement occasions. One possible explanation is that the two chosen life events were not prominent enough to evoke far-reaching changes in personality traits ( Magnus et al., 1993 ; Löckenhoff et al., 2009 ). In line with a study by Löckenhoff et al. (2009 ), more stressful, adverse events might have triggered more pronounced and predictable effects on personality traits. Moreover, the period between the late teens and early adulthood is characterized by a large number of stressful events and daily hassles ( Arnett, 2000 , 2007 ). In a comprehensive review of emerging adulthood by Bleidorn and Schwaba (2017) , graduates also experienced changes in other personality traits, such as openness and emotional stability, which suggests that many developmental tasks and major life transitions contribute to changes in Big Five trait domains. Furthermore, according to Luhmann et al. (2014) and Yeager et al. (2019) , life events may not only independently influence the development of personality characteristics, they might also interact with one another. Researchers must address the interpretation of other challenges that adolescents experience. This notion is also supported in a study by Wagner et al. (2020) , who introduced a model that integrates factors that are both personal (e.g., genetic expressions) and environmental (e.g., culture and society). The authors assert that the interactions and transactions of multiple sources are responsible for shaping individuals' personalities, and, in order to understand how they interact and develop over time, more integrated research is needed. Future studies should focus on a wider range of important life events and environmental influences during emerging adulthood and account for possible accumulating effects.

Second, and perhaps most remarkably, our findings revealed a different picture after we analyzed how the two critical life events were perceived. When participants experienced graduating from school negatively, a greater decrease in emotional stability was observed. Conversely, when the event was evaluated positively, a greater positive change in extraversion was reported. There are clear theoretical links between these two traits and the perception of life events in terms of emotional valence. While low emotional stability encompasses a disposition to experience negative emotions such as fear, shame, embarrassment, or sadness (especially in stressful situations), extraverted individuals are characterized by attributes such as cheerfulness, happiness, and serenity ( Goldberg, 1990 ; Depue and Collins, 1999 ). In line with the notion of a bottom-up process of personality development ( Roberts et al., 2005 ), experiencing a major life event as either positive or negative might lead to a prolonged experience of these emotions and, thus, ultimately to altered levels of the corresponding personality traits. These findings are in line with previous research on subjective well-being (SWB). In fact, variance in SWB can be explained by emotional stability and extraversion, indicating a robust negative relationship between low emotional stability and SWB and a positive relationship between extraversion and SWB ( Costa and McCrae, 1980 ; Headey and Wearing, 1989 ). Moreover, Magnus et al. (1993) found selection effects for these traits, suggesting that high scorers in extraversion experience more subjectively positive events, and low scorers in emotional stability experience many (subjectively) negative events (see also Headey and Wearing, 1989 ).

In the present study, we found evidence of a moderating influence of mindset on the impact of the life event graduating from school for the trait extraversion. Our results indicate that people with a growth mindset show greater change in extraversion, almost regardless of whether they experienced the life event more negatively or more positively. On the other hand, the present results indicate that people with a fixed mindset show an increase in extraversion after experiencing a life event more positively, but almost no change in extraversion when experiencing graduating from school negatively.

Interestingly, we only found effects for extraversion. As previously mentioned, trait extraversion stands for behavioral attributes such as how outgoing and social a person is, and this is related to differences in perceived positive affect ( Goldberg, 1990 ; Magnus et al., 1993 ; Roberts et al., 2005 ). The characteristics of extraversion can be linked to the assumption that people with a growth mindset show greater resilience ( Schroder et al., 2017 ; Yeager et al., 2019 ), especially in the face of academic and social challenges ( Yeager and Dweck, 2012 ). Thus, people who believe that their internal attributes are malleable confront challenges such as graduation by adapting and learning from them; our findings suggest that this results in an increase in extraversion. By contrast, people who believe that they cannot change their personality characteristics might attribute a negatively experienced graduation to external circumstances out of their control. Thus, they do not rise from a negative life event and experience no impetus to become more extraverted.

The above notwithstanding, more research is needed, as we found no evidence for the other Big Five personality traits. Further, the relationship between mindset and personality is complex to disentangle. We examined only two major life events in this first attempt. More attention is needed with respect to other life events and their interplay with internal belief systems and implicit theories to explore possible far-reaching effects on behavior.

In summary, the present study makes an important contribution to the literature on personality development in emerging adulthood with a special focus on external and internal influences and the assessment of critical life events. Our findings support the notion of a dimensional approach to life events, as introduced by Luhmann et al. (2020) , in contrast to a typological approach. With regard to research on situational perception, it seems reductive to examine the occurrence of certain life events rather than their subjective perceptions. As previously mentioned, many studies emphasize that (1) events and single situations can trigger expectancies about how to act and adjust in similar situations (TESSERA framework, Wrzus and Roberts, 2017 ); (2) psychological situations and person-situation transactions deviate from one another ( Rauthmann et al., 2015 ); and (3) regulatory mechanisms influence the variability in individual personality trait change ( Denissen et al., 2013 ).

Again, further research is needed to explore the underlying processes behind critical life events and their impact on personality trait changes. In doing so, great care should be taken in selecting life events with a strong social and emotional component with respect to individual perceptions. Finally, there is also a need for more research into the selection of life events being assessed with regard to their interplay.

Limitations and Future Directions

Our research demonstrates the importance of examining the underlying processes behind personality changes that arise from external influences such as life events. One of the strengths of this study was our large sample, which comprised N = 1,679 German emerging adults and allowed us to use powerful statistical methods. One limitation was that we gathered data across a 1-year time interval with only two measurement occasions. As noted by Luhmann et al. (2014) , the inclusion of more than two measurement points makes it easier to distinguish between sudden short- or long-term shifts and more gradual linear changes. With this in mind, it is possible that critical life events correlate with temporary disruptions of personality maturation; tracing the impact of a single life event on personality trait change might not be as straightforward as is often assumed. Moreover, two measurement occasions can only reveal the immediate effect of life events on personality traits and may, therefore, neglect long-term effects that become salient after more time has passed. Future studies should also incorporate more characteristics of life events. We concentrated our study on the valence of critical life events, but other features—such as impact, challenge, and predictability—could reveal a more comprehensive picture ( Luhmann et al., 2020 ).

Another limitation of the present study is that all our data relied on self-report personality measures. Even though almost all research on personality change is based on self-report measures, the influence of (for example) self-concepts cannot be neglected. Self-reported data might thus depart from other types of data in terms of differential stability, for example ( Wagner et al., 2020 ). Hence, changes in the Big Five domains might reflect subjective rather than observable changes in personality. At the same time, we believe that our approach of assessing personality traits and the perception of life events gives valuable insights into personality development, since we focused on how individuals consciously understand their experiences. Nevertheless, it would be informative to compare both approaches (observer and self-reported data) to examine how they complement one another (see also: Bleidorn et al., 2020 ).

Yet another important issue that must be mentioned are our attrition effects. As previously stated, the data for the first measurement occasion was gathered through a non-profit self-assessment test intended to help students explore post-graduation occupational opportunities. Hence, our sample might be prone to selection effects and confounding preexisting differences: only emerging adults who were concerned about their future might have taken the test in the first place. The self-selection to voluntarily participate in a research study might also explain the higher percentage of female participants. Moreover, some of the Big Five traits from T2 dropouts were correlated with T1 personality traits. Therefore, our results should be interpreted with caution; participants with low conscientiousness, for example, might have been more likely to drop out or have been excluded from our study due to the diligence check, and thus conscientiousness could have risen over the study period because the sample composition shifted between T1 and T2. Nevertheless, the noted differential attrition effects were rather small and reflect only modest selectivity (see also Lüdtke et al., 2011 ; Specht et al., 2011 ).

Finally, we did not examine cultural differences. With our German sample, we only investigated patterns in a modern Western industrialized country. Hence, we did not control for different cultural and demographic backgrounds, and our results might thus not be applicable to a broader range of individuals.

The present research improves our understanding of personality trait development during the critical period of emerging adulthood and demonstrates the importance of examining the underlying processes behind personality changes that arise from external influences such as life events. We showed how two critical life events can shape and adjust life trajectories, which is a necessary step toward gaining a comprehensive picture of the underlying processes of personality trait change across the life course. In addition to changes in the operationalization of life event research, larger and more diverse samples over more measurement occasions are needed to further explore how individual perceptions and internal belief systems influence our personality during and after experiencing critical life events.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets generated for this study can be found in online repositories. The names of the repository/repositories and accession number(s) can be found below: All data, further materials, and items are available via OSF at: https://osf.io/xc6d4/ .

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by the ethic commission of Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

JHDV and PM designed the study and formulated the hypotheses. MS and AF provided the testing platform and set up the test battery. JHDV, MS, and AF were responsible for recruiting the sample and administrating the panel. JHDV and PM conducted the data analysis. JHDV designed the figures and drafted the manuscript. All authors discussed the results and commented on the manuscript.

This work was funded by a research grant to Professor Patrick Mussel by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, Germany (Mu3045/6-1).

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Supplementary Material

The Supplementary Material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.671421/full#supplementary-material

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Keywords: personality development, life events, big five, mindset, emerging adulthood

Citation: De Vries JH, Spengler M, Frintrup A and Mussel P (2021) Personality Development in Emerging Adulthood—How the Perception of Life Events and Mindset Affect Personality Trait Change. Front. Psychol. 12:671421. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.671421

Received: 23 February 2021; Accepted: 11 May 2021; Published: 10 June 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 De Vries, Spengler, Frintrup and Mussel. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Jantje Hinrika De Vries, jantje.de.vries@fu-berlin.de

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Emerging Adulthood, a Pre-adult Life-History Stage

Ze′ev hochberg.

1 Faculty of Medicine, Technion Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa, Israel

Melvin Konner

2 Program in Neuroscience and Behavioral Biology, Emory University, Atlanta, GA, United States

The duration of human maturation has been underestimated; an additional 4–6-year pre-adult period of “emerging adulthood,” should be included in models of human maturation. It is a period of brain maturation, learning about intimacy and mutual support, intensification of pre-existing friendships, family-oriented socialization, and the attainment of those social skills that are needed for mating and reproduction. We propose that emerging adulthood is a life-history stage that is a foundation of the high reproductive success of human beings. The period of emerging adulthood has an evolutionary context and developmental markers, and we present evidence that supports the idea that emerging adults require protection because they are still learning and maturing.

Introduction

Growing evidence suggests that an individual at the end of adolescence cannot be considered to be an adult when using physical, physiological, intellectual, social, emotional, and behavioral measures. When adolescents in developed societies mature and achieve adult body size, their behavior often remains immature. Specialists in adolescent medicine have recognized this incongruity, and have redefined adolescence to include young adults up to age 24 years, of whom many have not yet assumed adult roles ( 1 , 2 ). Reproduction in contemporary forager societies also begins several years after adolescence and post-adolescent individuals are often limited in their gathering and/or hunting skills ( 3 – 5 ). Compared to other mammals, primates produce few offspring. Humans have an even slower growth rate than that of non-human primates of comparable size, but human growth may be even more prolonged than is generally realized.

Arnett proposed emerging adulthood as a phase of life between adolescence and full-fledged adulthood, with distinctive demographic, social, and subjective psychological features ( 6 , 7 ). This life- history stage applies to individuals aged between 18 and 25 years, the period during which they become more economically independent by training and/or education. Previously, the psychodynamic theorist Erik Erikson identified a stage that he called a prolonged adolescence or psychosocial moratorium in young people in developed societies ( 8 , 9 ). Much more recently, Hopwood and colleagues explored genetic and environmental influences on personality development during the transition to adulthood in same-sex male and female monozygotic and dizygotic twins assessed in late adolescence (approximately age 17 years), emerging adulthood (~24 years), and young adulthood (~29 years) ( 10 ). Their genetically-informed results support a life-course perspective on personality development during the transition to adulthood. In addition, the United Nations has identified youth, defined as the period from 15 to 24 years of age, as a period of vulnerability worldwide and has made it a priority for multiple interventions ( 11 ).

Here, we use an evolutionary approach in order to understand emerging adulthood, arguing that it is not just a sociological transition period but a biological life-history phase. Trait variability, whether it is molecular, cellular, physiological, morphological, or behavioral, is the leading edge of evolution. Together with genetic evolution, plasticity in developmental programming has evolved to provide the organism with traits that can secure its survival and reproductive success ( 12 ). Life-history theory is a powerful tool for understanding child growth and development from an evolutionary perspective ( 2 , 13 , 14 ). We provide evidence that emerging adulthood exists in some other mammals, which implies genetic evolution, and we discuss emerging adulthood in foraging as well as developed societies, which implies the occurrence of adaptive plasticity and cultural influences. We propose that genetic and cultural evolution have interacted to produce the emerging adulthood stage in human life history.

Defining the Transition from Adolescence to Emerging Adulthood

Determining the exact time of transitions between life-history stages is challenging ( 13 ). Saltations (growth spurts) and transitions occur during human growth ( 15 , 16 ), and stages have a central place in evolutionary life-history theory, but the turning points are theoretical constructions in which some aspects of a transition are highlighted.

Puberty produces an endocrine transformation with striking somatic and behavioral changes, especially in body image, sex identity, aggression, and impulsivity. To define a maturational stage between adolescence and adulthood, we need first to define the end of adolescence. During this transition, growth velocity decelerates, blood and tissue hormone levels increase, aggression becomes less overt, and learning and maturation mitigate hormonal impact.

Using maturational measures avoids the pitfalls of defining emerging adulthood according to chronological age. For example, the Tanner scale of adolescent development is based on external primary and secondary sex characteristics. Tanner stage V recognizes the conclusion of puberty in boys when the testicular volume is >20 ml and the length of the penis is >14 cm ( 17 ) and in girls when the breast reaches final adult size and the areola returns to the contour of the surrounding breast with a projecting central papilla ( 18 ).

Here, we define the transition between adolescence and emerging adulthood as occurring when growth returns to its prepubertal trajectory and the boy or girl is at Tanner stage IV ( 19 ). Boys at this stage have a testicular volume between 12 and 20 ml, their scrotal skin darkens, and the length of their penis is ~10 cm. Girls at this stage have experienced menarche, their breasts are of adult size and elevated, and the areola and papilla form a secondary mound which projects from the contour of the surrounding breast. Body composition continues to change during emerging adulthood, in terms of relative fat mass, lean body mass, and total body bone mineral content and bone mineral density increase ( 20 ), but the most important maturational changes after adolescence, even if defined as the end of Tanner Stage 4, are in the brain.

Brain size may be a pacemaker in mammalian life history ( 21 ), and it underlies the remarkable human capacity for learning and communication, but the length of the brain's developmental trajectory was until recently underestimated. It is now clear that brain development does not stop with the completion of puberty when adult brain size is attained. Brain maturation continues beyond adolescence, extending until around age 25 years, and this recently discovered prolongation provides critical support for emerging adulthood as a post-adolescent maturational stage ( 22 ). Compared to other primates, human newborns are neurologically and behaviorally altricial because many aspects of brain development are protracted, including that of the prefrontal cortex ( 23 ). The cortical architectural units or minicolumns in the prefrontal cortex of humans are wider than those of the great apes, an increase that occurs after puberty in humans, but not in chimpanzees ( 24 ). In chimpanzees, but not in humans, myelination becomes complete at about the time of sexual maturity ( 25 ). Interestingly, human brain regions with protracted development are the same that have undergone the greatest degree of volumetric enlargement in primate evolution ( 26 ).

In a large-scale longitudinal pediatric neuroimaging study, brain maturation was found to continue after adolescence: post-adolescent increases in white matter are linear while the changes in the cortical gray matter are non-linear. Cortical white matter in particular continues to increase into the mid-twenties, which is likely related to the efficiency and speed of cortical connectivity ( 27 , 28 ). In another study, Sowell and her colleagues spatially and temporally mapped brain maturation in North American adolescents (age 12–16 years) and young adults (age 23–30 years) using a whole-brain, voxel-by-voxel statistical analysis of high-resolution structural magnetic resonance images ( 29 ). They found that the pattern of brain maturation during these years was distinct from earlier development and was localized to large regions of the dorsal, medial, and orbital frontal cortex and lenticular nuclei. They also reported relatively little change at other brain locations. They concluded that cognitive function improves throughout adolescence, and this improvement is associated with parallel post-adolescent reductions in gray matter density (as white matter increases) in frontal and striatal regions. It has been argued that such brain changes should mitigate the guilt of adolescent delinquents who have not yet gone through them ( 30 – 32 ).

Asato and colleagues also investigated white matter maturation during adolescence using diffusion tensor imaging and reported that (a) pubertal hormones influence white matter development and maturation and (b) white matter connectivity and the executive control of behavior is still immature in adolescence ( 33 ). Jolles and colleagues investigated the association between whole-brain functional connectivity and cognitive and emotional functions in children (11–13 years) and young adults (19–25 years) ( 34 ). Although they found similar patterns of functional connectivity in children and young adults, there were differences in the size of the functionally connected regions and the strength of functional connectivity. Thus, functional connectivity continues to change during and after adolescence, and these developmental differences in functional connectivity patterns were associated with higher cognitive or emotional functions and basic visual and sensorimotor functions.

In another study comparing social and emotional functioning of children, adolescents, and young adults, by analyzing the age-dependent development of five functionally distinct cingulate-based intrinsic connectivity networks (ICNs), Kelly and colleagues provide additional evidence that brain maturation extends beyond adolescence into young adulthood ( 35 ). They found that the pattern of correlation with voxels proximal to the seed region of interest was age-dependent: the pattern was diffuse in children (mean age 10.6 years), was less diffuse in adolescents (mean age 15.4 years), and showed signs of becoming focal in young adults (mean age 22.4 years). Also, the greatest development occurred in those ICNs associated with social and emotional functions. Finally, in their study of the brains of 103 healthy subjects aged 5–32 years using diffusion tensor tractography, Lebel and Beaulieu provide further evidence that brain maturation continues from childhood into adulthood ( 36 ). Association tracts show within-subject maturation of measures indicative of myelination and axon density.

Collectively, these studies provide strong evidence that brain development and maturation continue in young adulthood; the idea that brain maturation is finalized during adolescence is no longer tenable. Psychologically, emerging adulthood is a stage when an individual's cognitive abilities increase to reach their peak in their fourth decade and possibly beyond ( 37 ). Schaie and colleagues included 13 measures of crystallized abilities influenced by schooling and experience. The critical abilities from this perspective are those that enable the learning of new things, that is, working memory and fluid intelligence; these, as well as processing speed ( 38 ), peak in the mid 20s.

Emerging adulthood is also a social stage: it is a period of learning about intimacy and mutual support, intensification of pre-existing friendships, family-oriented socialization, political awareness, developing new relationships, and the attainment of biosocial skills that are needed for successful mating and reproduction. Finally, it is also a stage of understanding self-concepts and ideal concepts, emphasized interpersonal reactivity and obligation, self-expressiveness, and contempt toward particular ideologies ( 39 ). The attainment of these cognitive, emotional, and social abilities is the result of a complex interplay of maturation and interaction with the environment, but it is now possible to say that at least in the earlier years of emerging adulthood, they are correlated with and possibly caused by brain maturation. There is also evidence that brain size growth continues into the third decade in some individuals. In these individuals, hypothalamic maturation, puberty, and the resultant hormonal surges are dissociated from and even precede development and maturity of frontal cortex ( 40 , 41 ).

Emerging adulthood is associated with other physiological changes, such as bone mineral accretion, the completion of growth, and [frequently] first reproduction. Hence, emerging adulthood begins as a physiological, but most importantly a neural transformation in which behavioral and social functions interact, with consequences for impulse control in domains that have put the individual at risk during puberty. We will argue that this life-history phase has unfolded throughout hominin evolution. In Figure 1 we show the timeline of maturation of the main physical, behavioral and social traits.

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Maturation timeline: (Upper) the age range to complete physical maturation ( 82 ). (Lower) the age range to complete social maturation ( 83 ) and US Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014. SFO, The subfornical organ; SLF, The superior longitudinal fasciculus; IFO, anterior insula/frontal operculum complex; EA, emerging adulthood; F, female; M, male ( 82 – 84 ).

Growth-related Definition of the Transition to Emerging Adulthood

To define the transition from adolescence to emerging adulthood, we use the age at which growth velocity returns to prepubertal levels ( Figure 2A ). The adolescent growth spurt can be identified from the growth velocity curve, and its takeoff is signaled when the rate of growth changes from deceleration to acceleration at the end of the juvenile stage ( 13 ). This inflection point marks the beginning of the adolescent growth spurt. The point at which the curvilinear growth velocity spurt returns to the pre-takeoff velocity defines for us the end of adolescence and the beginning of emerging adulthood. This refinement of the “return to [pre-]takeoff velocity,” which was previously proposed by Leigh and Park ( 42 ), is essential for understanding the human pubertal growth spurt ( 43 ). This model, displayed in Figure 2A , explains the apparently diminished peak height velocity in delayed puberty and is the basis of adult height predictions for prepubertal children.

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The concept of the return to prepubertal growth velocity curve as a life history mile stone. Here, we define the return to take-off velocity as the transition from adolescence to emerging adulthood. (A) Schematic representation of the age-dependent pubertal take-off velocity and the return to prepubertal growth velocity curve; in girls the return to takeoff velocity coincides with menarcheal age in the early, average, and late maturers. The age-dependent decline in peak height velocity is a function of the decelerating takeoff velocity and returns to the prepubertal growth velocity curve. PGV, peak growth velocity; TV, takeoff velocity; RTV, return to prepubertal growth velocity curve. (B) The age of return to prepubertal growth velocity curve as a function of adult body mass in 21 primate species. Observations are derived from captive primates held at zoological parks and primate centers. With permission from Leigh and Park ( 42 ). a— Cebus apella , b— Cercopithecus aethiops , c— Cercopithecus mitis , d— Cercopithecus neglectus , e— Erythrocebus patas , f— Cercocebus atys , g— Macaca arctoides , h— Macaca fascicularis , i— Macaca fuscata , j— Macaca mulatta , k— Macaca nemestrina , l— Macaca silenus , m— Papio hamadryas , n— Mandrillus sphinx , o— Colobus guereza , p— Presbytis entellus , q— Presbytis obscura , r— Gorilla gorilla , s— Pan paniscus , t— Pan troglodytes . (C,D) —average adult body weight as a function of the age at return to prepubertal takeoff growth velocity of males (C) and females (D) in six predeveloped societies. Data from http://dice.missouri.edu .

In an allometric analysis of 21 species of anthropoid primates, the age at return to pre-takeoff velocity and the adult body mass are positively correlated in both females and males ( Figure 2B ). The age at return to pre-takeoff velocity occurs later in human beings than other primates because of the lateness of our growth spurt when body mass is considered ( 42 ). Overall, the growth spurt in most primates is quite minimal, and little is known about the relationship between the age at return to prepubertal growth velocity and the appearance of secondary sexual characteristics at puberty. Takeoff velocity occurs early in gorillas, and despite their greater body mass, female gorillas become sexually mature at a younger age than female chimpanzees ( 44 ). Similar to humans, vervet ( Cercopithecus aethiops ) and rhesus monkeys ( Macaca mulatta ) show a relatively late return to prepubertal growth velocity. Interestingly, this positive correlation between the age at return to prepubertal growth velocity curve and body mass also exists in six small-scale societies described in Walker's Database for Indigenous Cultural Evolution ( http://dice.missouri.edu/ ) ( Figures 2C,D ).

The Evolutionary Context of Emerging Adulthood

Evolutionary life-history theory.

Life history is defined as the allocation of an organism's energy toward growth, maintenance, reproduction, raising offspring to independence, and avoiding death ( 45 ), and adaptation to environmental changes requires the selection of certain life-cycle traits ( 46 , 47 ) ( Figure 3 ). Evolutionary life-history theory attempts to explain and predict tradeoffs that optimize energy expenditure, reproductive advantage, and risk ( 2 , 14 , 48 , 49 ). Central to the concept of sexual selection is the attainment and optimization of reproductive competence, and the key traits for selection are growth, maturation, and the age at transition to adulthood and sexual reproduction ( 12 ).

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Comparison of the life-history stages and the newly defined emerging adulthood of Australopithecus afarensis, Homo habilis, H. erectus , and H. sapiens .

Human beings and the great apes share similar traits including, to some extent, emerging adulthood. We know relatively little about neurological maturation in non-human primates, but we do know that non-human great apes have a 2-year period of post-menarcheal infertility ( 50 ), extended in human foragers to 3 years ( 51 ). Low reproductive success among young females is a general primate phenomenon ( 52 ). Male preference for fully developed adult females has been described in 15 primate species ( 52 ). Goodall reported that after menarche, which usually occurs at age 10 years, female chimpanzees average 19 full-size cycles before becoming pregnant for the first time at age 12 years ( 53 ). Moreover, they will have about 60% of their lifetime sexual encounters during this post-menarcheal period. Unlike gorillas, chimpanzees ( Pan troglodytes) , and bonobos ( Pan paniscus ) live in multi-male and multi-female groups and mate more often than needed to conceive. Accordingly, primatologists have suggested that adolescent sterility is a period in which sexual and social skills are practiced without responsibility for the care of a newborn ( 53 ). In their emerging adulthood, female vervet monkeys ( Cercopithecus aethiops ) display a high degree of interest in young infants and will touch, cuddle, carry, and groom infants whenever they can. Lancaster interpreted this play-mothering by young females as an opportunity to practice maternal behavior and ease into their expected maternal role in society ( 54 ). Fecundity in males depends on age, size, and experience. Similar to humans, where reproductive success is in-line with hunting ability ( 55 ) reproductive success among the Barbary macaques ( Macaca sylvanus ) is much lower in young than adult males ( 56 ). In male chimpanzees, pre-fertility copulation is very common ( 53 ).

While it seems impossible to ascertain the life-history stages of early hominids, the timing of their dental maturation from the fossil record has shed some light on their stages (see below). Australopithecines are anatomical intermediates between apes and human beings and chimpanzees and bonobos are often regarded as living species that can to some extent represent the australopithecines. Based on fossil dental specimens, australopithecined resembled wild chimpanzees, not modern humans, in life-history stages ( 57 ). Fossil Homo species matured more slowly and the attainment of certain developmental milestones, such as the onset of puberty, adolescence, and first reproduction, probably occurred later, in parallel with their increasing longevity, body mass, and height ( Figure 3 ).

A life-history tradeoff is a fitness cost that occurs when a beneficial change in one trait is linked to a detrimental change in another trait ( 58 ). According to Charnov, a life-history tradeoff also entails an invariant in an underlying parameter that the life cycle stabilizes or is constrained by ( 59 ). The Charnov model of mammalian life-history evolution ( 59 ) derives the flow of life-history consequences from the adult mortality rate:

Adult mortality □ Age at maturity □ Adult weight □ Fecundity □ Juvenile mortality .

In this model, any factor that decreases adult mortality, such as large adult body mass, sociality, or a low-predation environment, favors delayed maturation. Reproductive value (RV) increases with body mass while growth rates decline. The optimal age to stop investing in growth is when the expected RV starts to decline. Body mass increases during growth, which stops when body mass is optimal, so juvenile survival becomes important when maturation is delayed. Increasing juvenile survival and extending the adolescent life-history stage increases that individual's RV. Hence, emerging adulthood is highly favored.

The offspring number of most species with a large body size is small. Additionally, juvenile mortality decreases when reproduction is late, and late reproduction is associated with high fertility. Late reproduction should decrease fitness ( 60 ), but several tradeoffs could influence the prolonged period of emerging adulthood in human life-history strategies: reproducing at an earlier or later age; reproducing at a young age or continuing to grow and develop; and being an adult parent with a large parental investment in each offspring of a small family or a young parent with a small parental investment in each offspring of a large family. The Charnov model predicts that a long life span will be associated with slow development, iteroparity (repeated reproduction), a single offspring, and long parental care ( 59 ). It was recently suggested that slow rates of growth, reproduction, and aging among primates reflect their low total energy expenditure ( 61 ). Emerging adulthood in modern societies is part of the historical lengthening of both ends of the pre-reproductive life span of human females (early puberty and late reproduction) in response to improved nutrition and decreased infection ( 62 , 63 ). Microevolutionary tradeoffs that might underlie an extended emerging adulthood stage of life history include the allocation of energy to growth or reproduction, and the energy investment in courtship or parenting. Indeed, performing the sexual act in some species requires good cognitive ability and specific sexual behaviors ( 64 ). During human evolution, the acquisition of certain abilities resulted in the lengthening of maturation and development.

Brain size in mammals is correlated with longitudinal growth, and both have increased during human evolution ( 65 ). Brain size and cultural complexity have concomitantly increased over the last 2 million years with two possible periods of accelerated increase. The first occurred during the early evolution of the genus Homo , the second during the rise of Homo sapiens .

Using Charnov's model, we also suggest that emerging adulthood is a life-history stage that is a foundation of the high productivity of human beings: the metabolic potential of human beings exceeds the metabolic requirements of survival and this excess is first used to support growth and brain maturation before being allocated to reproduction. Another critical adaptation in hominin evolution was the ability to improve the food supply by establishing a rich and stable food base through the control of fire ( Homo erectus ), cooking (early Homo sapiens or earlier) ( 66 , 67 ), and exploiting coastal food resources (shellfish) ( 68 ).

Despite the fact that the human juvenile (including emerging adulthood) and adult periods are longer than that of the chimpanzee and that human infants are larger than chimpanzee infants at birth, hunter-gatherer women characteristically have higher fertility than chimpanzee females ( 69 ). In anthropoid primates (monkeys, apes, and humans), non-maternal care predicts earlier weaning, shorter birth spacing, and higher reproductive success ( 70 ). Parental provisioning of the weaned offspring, an aspect of cooperative breeding ( 71 ), is crucial ( 72 , 73 ). Here, we argue that anatomically modern human parents care for their offspring throughout their offspring's adolescence and emerging adulthood, and this extended period of care is longer than that of other primates.

The unique evolutionary path to the genus Homo was shaped by an increasing reliance on calorie-dense, large-package, skill-intensive food resources, “which, in turn, operated to produce the extreme intelligence, long developmental period, three-generational system of resource flows, and exceptionally long adult life characteristic of our species” ( 74 ). Kaplan and Robson emphasized the role of human males in provisioning meat to their family and tribal members ( 74 ). They also highlighted the contributions of grandmothers and other family and band members to provisioning and childcare, enhancing survival and success in emerging adulthood.

Although, the average menarcheal ages of the gorilla, the bonobo, and the chimpanzee are 7–8, 9, and 11 years, respectively, their ages at first birth are 10–12, 13–15, and 14–15 years ( 75 ). Despite their rapid development compared with humans, the great apes have a distinct period of post-menarcheal. In parallel with other great apes, the menarcheal age of human forager populations ranges from 13 to 19 years, and their first birth occurs about 4 years later when they are between 17 and 23 years of age ( 62 , 76 ) ( Figure 4 ). In contrast to great apes, primiparous women of human forager populations are provisioned by mature adults, such as grandmothers, who are usually post-reproductive ( 77 , 78 ); their husbands, who are typically several years older and have often passed through the emerging adulthood stage of their life history before marriage; and other adults ( 3 , 79 – 81 ).

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Age at menarche and first birth among some natural fertility societies; mean and 95% confidence limits. The dashed line is the age at menarche when plotted against the age at first reproduction [reproduced with permission from Hochberg et al. ( 76 )].

Despite similarities among primates, the prolongation of dependency during emerging adulthood ( Figure 3 ) is unique to human life history, and is part of the evolutionary success of Homo sapiens . In the light of the knowledge we have gained from other primates, we need to improve our existing definitions of the beginning and end of emerging adulthood in primates in terms of physical traits.

Development of the Human Reproductive Strategy

Across forager societies, there is a consistent 3–4-year period between menarche and the birth of the first child ( Figure 4 ) and adult reproductive behaviors are learned during this period of emerging adulthood. The evolution of human development culminated in environment-dependent and late reproductive maturation. According to life-history theory ( 59 , 85 ), a reduction in juvenile and adult mortality ( 86 ) postponed reproduction and necessitated substantial parental investment in each offspring.

Sexual behavior develops according to a species-specific, genetically controlled, maturational plan in which the age at first reproduction occurs within a specific age range ( 87 ). Darwinian theory yields testable predictions about mating strategies and behaviors, which include jealousy, fidelity, pursuit, diffidence, the number of new sexual partners per year (partner frequency), and gender roles and behaviors customarily displayed in emerging adulthood ( 88 ). These predictions also apply to adult patterns of intra- and intersexual aggression ( 89 , 90 ). Here, we offer an evolutionary model for this transformative life-history stage, emerging adulthood.

Despite cross-cultural variations in the age of initiation of sexual activity and the age at marriage, the period of emerging adulthood in all cultures involves readiness for mating. Strong emotions often accompany early sexual activity. During adolescence, the frequency of depressive episodes is temporarily increased in boys and especially in girls ( 91 – 93 ).

Sex hormones intensify adolescent behavioral and psychological changes ( 94 – 96 ), but in emerging adulthood and into adulthood, average rates of depression, anxiety, and risk-taking decline. Interestingly, serum testosterone levels continue to rise after puberty and peak in the third decade in male humans ( 97 ). However, this age-dependent increase in serum testosterone levels does not occur in chimpanzees: serum testosterone levels are higher in adolescent chimpanzees (age 7–10 years) than in adults (age >11 years) ( 98 ). Male and female sex drive may be intensified and/or enabled by the activational effects of the sex steroids, as part of a switching mechanism that re-allocates resources from growth to reproductive activity during emerging adulthood ( 99 ). If the same genes allocate the energy that is required for growth and reproduction, these genes could exhibit antagonistic pleiotropy and mediate the tradeoff between growth and reproduction ( 100 ). The “fight or flight” response to perceived threat influences life-history tradeoffs during development ( 101 , 102 ). As part of their readiness for mating, the bullying behavior of adolescent males diminishes at the time of transition to emerging adulthood ( 103 , 104 ). This could be due to adolescents learning subtler ways of competing, they still vie for dominance and resource control. This may help explain why the mean age difference between men and women at the time of their first marriage in 191 national populations and traditional societies is 3.5 years ( 105 ).

Adolescence and Emerging Adulthood Among the !Kung and Other Foragers

Contemporary forager societies are to some extent modern representatives of pre-agricultural forager societies. The !Kung were until recently foraging people of the Kalahari Desert, whose demography and life history have been extensively studied ( 81 , 106 ). Their average age of menarche is 16.6 years (range 16–18 years), and about 50% were married before menarche to men averaging 10 years older. Their age at first childbirth was 19 years (range 17–22 years) ( 106 ). This 3-year period of between the age of menarche and the age at first birth is probably due to subfertile ovarian cycling. Although their husband's sexual advances were supposed to be delayed until menarche, women reported that this period was often stressful ( 107 ). This 3-year period is important for a newly married !Kung woman for at least two reasons. First, she gradually learns to adopt adult roles and acquire adult sexuality without having to deal with the consequences of pregnancy and feeding a family. Second, she usually lives near her mother, even after the first birth, because she is dependent on her mother, father, and extended family before moving to her husband's village-camp after a second child ( 81 , 107 ). Although !Kung women become socially responsible mothers with two or more children by their mid-20s, they are typically still being provisioned by their families ( 81 ). Psychosocial development during emerging adulthood is substantially longer in boys than in girls, and the transition from adolescence to adulthood is gradual ( 108 ). !Kung boys learn hunting and other subsistence skills and are permitted to accompany adult men on hunting trips from their mid-teens. But the husband's obligation to provision his family with meat is also aided by relatives during the period of emerging adulthood.

To what extent do the !Kung resemble other hunter-gatherer societies? The acquisition of subsistence skills is a very long process among the closely related San of the Okavongo Delta, Botswana ( 5 ). Mongongo nuts are a staple food (as for the !Kung) and the ability to crack these nuts is age-specific because nut-cracking requires skill; arm strength is less important than age. Plotted against age, the ability follows an inverted U-shaped function across the lifespan, and this time-dependent function is a good example of the adaptive evolutionary value of emerging adulthood beyond adolescence. Success at nut-cracking is minimal until the late teens and then this skill improves until midlife.

The Hiwi Indians of Venezuela and the Aché Indians of Paraguay are traditional hunter-gatherer groups whose hunting and subsistence skills gradually increase throughout young adulthood ( 109 ). Although Aché girls collect insect larvae for subsistence, children of the two tribes under age 10 years do almost no foraging and especially no hunting until their teenage years. Specifically, the skill of gathering honey and palm fiber of Aché boys and Hiwi girls progressively increases to levels that are about half of their peak adult values in adolescence. The age at which the hunting skills of Hiwi and Aché men are at their best is the late 30s, and the age at which Hiwi and Aché men and women reach their peak gathering skills for honey and palm fiber occurs is even later.

Tsimane foragers of Bolivian Amazonia are also relevant to the long pre-adult life history of modern humans ( 4 ). Based on hunting returns and specific skill tests, the peak performance of hunters is only reached several years after the completion of a long childhood and adolescence; hunters must first learn to recognize the sounds, smells, tracks, and feces of critical prey species, and then learn to hunt by sightings, pursuits, and attempted kills. The hunting performance and ability of Tsimane foragers is another example of a skill whose acquisition depends more on age than strength.

Thus, the evidence from foraging societies and the conditions to which humans became adapted during our evolution show that neither reproductive behaviors (i.e., parenting and the ability to manage the relationship with a spouse) nor subsistence skills are mastered by the end of adolescence. Even in societies where children forage from an age as young as four, their efficiency as young adults remains lower than that of their mothers ( 110 ). Blurton Jones and Marlowe confirmed increases in skill and performance with age in the Hadza, hunter-gatherers of northern Tanzania. For example, the accuracy when shooting with a bow and arrow among men Hadza people increases with age and reaches its peak at age 25 years ( 111 ). From such findings, Blurton Jones and Marlowe concluded that one cannot assume that the age-dependent increase in performance and ability is entirely due to learning and/or practice; the increase may also be due to increases in an individual's size and strength ( 111 ). The importance of size and strength is confirmed by a study of spearfishing and shellfishing efficiency among the Meriam, who live on the Mer and Dauer islands in the eastern Torres Strait. For fishing and spearfishing, which are cognitively difficult, Bird and Bird found no significant amount of variability in return rates because experiential factors correlated with age. However, for shellfish collecting, which is relatively easy to learn, they found strong age-related effects on efficiency ( 112 ). From the evidence collected from various foraging societies around the globe, performance proficiency of subsistence skills of individuals increases with age and only peaks when they transit from emerging adulthood into adulthood in their twenties or later. These findings confirm that the period of emerging adulthood is marked by age-dependent maturation, ongoing brain development, strength accrual, and learning, and is a key adaptation for human survival and reproduction.

Secular Trends In Adolescence and Emerging Adulthood

Menarcheal age has declined in the U.S. and Europe for over a century ( 113 , 114 ). It has declined by 4 years over the past 150 years, and the age at peak height velocity in the pubertal growth spurt has also decreased by 4 months per decade ( 114 ). An evolutionary approach to this secular trend challenges the concept that early adolescence is a disease process, and suggests that contemporary reproductive and life-history strategies are reflected in the substantial increase in the presentation of females with early-onset adolescence ( 115 – 118 ). Part of the misconception that early adolescence is a pathological condition is related to the assumption that the transition from adolescence to adulthood is direct. The subfertility of emerging adulthood can be explained by the period between the age at menarche, which is 12.5 years, and the modeled optimal age at first birth of 18 years ( 119 ). Indeed, puberty is followed by subfertility in adolescence and emerging adulthood ( 120 ) due to a high proportion of non-ovulatory cycles ( 121 ). Currently, there is no evidence for a secular trend in the age at first consistent ovulation.

Despite liberal mores and adolescent sexual activity, early childbearing was uncommon in pre-agricultural societies. In a non-industrial traditional society, a girl who begins to menstruate at age 15 years can take her place in that society at age 19 years as a young mother after a 4-year period of emerging adulthood and be supported by the institutions of marriage and an extended family ( Figure 4 ) ( 76 ). In developed societies, the period of emerging adulthood of a girl who begins to menstruate at 12 years is prolonged, with slow maturation of the prefrontal cortex and other brain structures and late myelination until at least age 25, producing the mismatch between early-onset of puberty and late mental maturation in contemporary developed societies ( 116 ). It is the later part of this period of mismatch that we define as emerging adulthood, a time when young adults are still immature in their judgment and incapable of performing adult tasks ( 82 ).

Summary and Conclusions

The idea that one of the outcomes of human evolution is a very prolonged period of adolescent growth and delayed maturity is old, and is consistent with life-history theory, comparative primatology, and the hominin fossil record. We suggest in addition that emerging adulthood is a life-history stage that is part of the foundation the high productivity of human beings: our metabolic potential exceeds the metabolic requirements of survival and this excess is first used to support growth and brain maturation before being allocated to reproduction. We contend that the duration of human maturation has been underestimated, and that an additional 4–6-year pre-adult period, which (following Arnett) we call emerging adulthood, should be included in human life history. Recent imaging studies have shown that brain development continues throughout emerging adulthood; maturation of the neocortical association areas, notably the frontal lobes, extends into the mid-twenties, and is still incomplete long after the end of puberty and linear body growth. There is now abundant evidence that the frequency of behavioral disturbances of adolescence, such as unplanned sexual activity, risk-taking, impulsivity, depression, and delinquency, declines after adolescence despite persistent high levels of gonadal hormones. The most likely explanation for the transient nature of these behavioral disturbances of adolescence is continuing myelination of the frontal cortex and other brain regions that are involved in the executive control of impulses and emotions.

Adolescence is often delayed in foraging societies, resembling our human environments of evolutionary adaptedness. Since the women in these societies have late menarche and are subsequently subfertile, the age of these young women at the time of first birth is 19 years and their husbands are generally several years older. These young parents are strongly supported by older family members, who supply needed food and advice. The mastering of subsistence skills takes many years and an individual generally becomes proficient in these skills in their fourth decade. These realities highlight the adaptive advantages of a post-adolescent or emerging adulthood phase of human maturation, which requires substantial brain maturation and learning.

Secular trends indicate that the duration of pre-adolescent growth and development has shortened over the past two centuries and a further decoupling between pubertal/hormonal maturation and brain maturation has occurred in adolescents in developed societies. The nutritional and social conditions which drive this trend have been previously discussed and reviewed ( 2 ). While the mental maturation of adolescents and emerging adults in developed societies is as slow or slower than that of those in predeveloped societies, the onset of puberty in the developed societies now occurs at a younger age than that in the predeveloped societies. Many people in advanced developed states have increasingly recognized the need for prolonged period of education and support beyond adolescence. Others in contrast, especially those in the developing world where traditional structural support systems have collapsed, are often not able to provide the experience of a protected emerging adulthood to their children, leading the United Nations to identify youth, defined as 15–24 years of age, as a demographic group at risk and a special target for intervention ( 11 ). The period of emerging adulthood has an evolutionary context and a prolonged maturational underpinning, and we present evidence that supports the idea that emerging adults require protection because they are still both learning and maturing. Yet, A literature review and hypotheses of that sort are based on associations. The prolonged dependency and frequent confusion of emerging adults in modern societies is not solely attributable to the complexity of our societies, but also to the fact that they are, intrinsically and physiologically, not yet adults.

Author Contributions

ZH and MK jointly conceived the article, drafted the manuscript, read, and approved the final version.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Development of Personality in Adulthood: A Behavioral Genetic Perspective

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