315 (31.7%) fathers
680 (68.3%) mothers
Portuguese fathers and mothers, living with at least one child under the age 18 years. | Although parental burnout levels remain higher for mothers across the two waves, the growth in burnout was greater for fathers than for mothers. | | Iran | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine the actor-partner interdependence effect of fear of COVID-19 among Iranian pregnant women and their husbands and its association with their mental health and preventive behaviors during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. | Mothers and fathers ( = 580) 290 (50%) fathers 290 (50%) mothers | Mothers and fathers were at least 18 years old, able to speak and understand Persian, and enrolled in the Integrated Health System. | The findings demonstrated significant dyadic relationships between husbands and their pregnant wives’ fear of COVID-19 and mental health. |
| Uganda | Qualitative—Ethnography | To explore the experiences of Ugandan men who became unable to provide under the national lockdown. | Mothers and fathers ( = 14) 9 (64.3%) fathers 5 (35.7%) mothers. | Based on prior relationships established by the first author. | Men being at home progressively shifted from an unwanted obligation to a welcomed responsibility. Men explored different ways of validating themselves in the crisis. |
| Multiple | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine the extent to which co-parenting has a mitigating effect on the association between state-imposed lockdown measures and parental burnout levels, and how this effect might be different between men and women. | Mothers and fathers ( = 4,587) 1,183 (25.8%) fathers 3,404 (74.2%) mothers | Two-parent families who had at least one child still living at home, regardless of age. | The relationship between COVID-19 lockdown measures and levels of parental burnout was not significantly affected by co-parenting. |
| Israel | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To explore the level of COVID-19-related anxieties and parenting stress of Israeli parents in their first year of parenthood. | Mothers and fathers ( = 606) 137 (22.6%) fathers 469 (77.4%) mothers | First-time parents of infants aged 3–12 months and could complete questionnaires in Hebrew. | Mothers reported higher levels of anxiety than fathers for all aspects of the pandemic except for economic damage, whereas fathers reported higher levels of two dimensions of parenting stress: dysfunctional interaction with the infant and perception of the infant as difficult. |
| United States | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To provide a descriptive overview of how parents’ time in, and division of, domestic labor has changed since the beginning of the pandemic. | Mothers and fathers ( = 1,025) 523 (51%) fathers 502 (49%) mothers | Parents in the United States who resided with a partner and a biological child. Excluded respondents who identified as a gender other than male/female and who reported being in a same-sex relationship. | Mothers and fathers disagreed substantially on the degree of equality achieved. Fathers report sharing housework and childcare equally in most families, while mothers report retaining responsibility for domestic labor in the vast majority of families despite increases in fathers’ domestic contributions. |
| Italy | Quantitative—Cross-sectional case-control | To gather data on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for father–child bonding and the mental health of Italian same-sex fathers who were having or had a child through cross-border surrogacy during March–July 2020, when US and Canadian borders were closed and/or the process of obtaining the child’s birth certificate and passport took much longer. | Same-sex partners (all fathers; = 80) | Fathers that self-identified as both cisgender and gay; resided in Italy at the time of the COVID-19 pandemic; and were having or had a child through cross-border surrogacy in a planned gay father family between March and July 2020. | The findings call for the development of international guidelines for cross-border surrogacy and underline the need for tailored and ongoing psychological and legal support for intended gay fathers to ease their strain and anxiety related to having a child through cross-border surrogacy during the COVID-19 pandemic. |
| Canada | Mixed method—Thematic analysis, cohort | To identify how health behaviors, level of stress, financial and food security have been impacted by the pandemic among Canadian families with young children. | Mothers and fathers ( = 361) 126 (35%) fathers 235 (65%) mothers | Families had at least one child between 18 months and 5 years of age at the time of registration for the study, lived within the Guelph-Wellington area in Ontario, Canada and English-speaking. | Key factors influencing family stress include balancing work with childcare/homeschooling and financial instability. While some unhealthful behaviors appeared to have been exacerbated, other more healthful behaviors also emerged since COVID-19. |
| United Kingdom | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine the role flexible working has for gender equality during the pandemic. | Mothers and fathers ( = 1,384) 692 (50%) fathers 692 (50%) mothers | Heterosexual cohabitating parents of children under 18 years, where both partners were working before the COVID-19 pandemic. | The sharp rise in number of workers working from home, especially that of fathers, may have enabled a more equitable distribution of unpaid work among heterosexual dual-earning couples. |
| United States | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine how Black American fathers’ COVID-19 perceived work risk was associated with their individual well-being, COVID-19 diagnosis, depressive and anxiety symptoms, sleep disturbance, sleep quality, as well as spill-over into family contexts. | Fathers only ( = 466) | Unemployed and retired participants were excluded. | Black fathers working in higher risk contexts may be at risk for COVID-19 exposure and infection. This study indicates that these effects extend to their own well-being, including mental and sleep health as well as increased family stress. |
| Australia | Mixed method | Focuses on how lesbian, gay, and bisexual mothers and fathers in couples and single mothers subjectively experienced unpaid work and care during lockdown compared with heterosexual mothers and fathers in couples, and with partnered mothers. | Mothers, fathers and same-sex partners ( = 2,722) Number and percentage of mothers and fathers not reported separately. | Not reported. | During the pandemic, non-heterosexual fathers’ subjective reports were less negative than those of their heterosexual counterparts. |
| Australia | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To determine how COVID-19 affected paid work, domestic work, and care in Australian households; also investigated how gender differences in objective time spent on these activities, and in subjective feelings about it, changed due to the pandemic. | Mothers and fathers ( = 1,536) Number and percentage of mothers and fathers not reported separately. | Employed, partnered men and women with children under the age of 17. | More fathers reported high levels of subjective time stress, unfairness, and dissatisfaction with actively juggling (too much) paid work and unpaid domestic labor and care. Compared to before COVID-19, the increases in childcare (though not housework/ household management) were proportionally higher for fathers. |
| Canada | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine the impacts of COVID-19 mandated homeschooling on work–family conflict and alcohol use in romantic couples and their possible moderation by gender. | Mothers, fathers, and same-sex partners ( = 1,516) 711 heterosexual couples (mothers/fathers) 92 same-sex couples (gender not specified) | Involved in romantic relationship of at least 3 months with a partner also willing and available to participate. Both partners had to be at least 19 years old, living in Canada, cohabiting together during April 2020, and following COVID-19-related stay-at-home advisories in their jurisdiction during April 2020. Essential workers excluded. | Gender differences found in FIW (family interferes with work) but not WIF (work interferes with family) conflicts. |
| South Africa | Mixed method—Thematic analysis, cross-sectional | To explore and describe the birth and new parenting experiences in South Africa during the COVID-19 pandemic, the impact of COVID-19 and the lockdown on these experiences, and the association between birth experiences and postpartum depressive symptoms. | Mothers and fathers ( = 520) 24 (4.6%) fathers 296 (95.4%) mothers | Aged 18 years or older, living in South Africa at the time of the baby’s birth and had a baby born between January 1, 2020, until October 10, 2020. | Lockdown exacerbated many birth and parenting challenges including mental health and health care access. |
| Italy | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To investigate psychological adjustment to COVID-19 restrictions in Italian families considering parental stress, co-parenting, and child externalizing behaviors, in order to capture the process of family adjustment during home confinement at different levels. | Mothers and fathers ( = 602) 76 (12.6%) fathers 526 (87.4%) mothers | Parents older than 18 years with at least one child between 3 and 17 years old, without physical or intellectual disabilities as well as neurotypical development. | Mothers reported higher levels of parental stress than fathers both prior and during the lockdown. No significant differences before and during the lockdown on quality of co-parenting in both mothers and fathers. |
| United States | Mixed method—Thematic analysis using content analysis, cross-sectional | To examine adoptive parents’ worries and concerns, work–family arrangements, and mental, physical, and relational health in the context of the pandemic and associated quarantine. | Mothers, fathers, and same-sex partners ( = 89) 26 partnered (6 unpartnered) lesbian respondents, 21 partnered (0 unpartnered) gay male respondents, and 32 partnered (3 unpartnered) heterosexual respondents. 1 participant did not provide data on relationship status. | Parents were required to be adopting their first child, and both parents needed to be becoming parents for the first time. Only one parent per couple was encouraged to participate. | Parenting during a pandemic places undue burdens on parents, particularly on those working from home with limited help, highlighting parenting, relationships, and personal challenges due to the COVID-19 pandemic. |
| Australia | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine the impact of working at home on general health, pain, stress, and work–family and family–work conflict, and differences based on gender and parental responsibilities. | Mothers and fathers ( = 219) 64 (9.7%) fathers 155 (23.6%) mothers | Aged 18 years or more, working from home at least 2 days per week during the period following the declaration of the COVID-19 pandemic in Australia, and currently living in Victoria, Australia. | Satisfaction with the division of household tasks appears to play a substantial role in alleviating stress, and work–family and family–work conflict suggesting the way in which household tasks are divided can either negatively or positively impact physical and mental health. |
| India | Qualitative—Thematic analysis | To examine the experiences of men and women (parents) in sharing household responsibilities and its impact on their careers during the lockdown imposed due to the COVID-19 pandemic | Mothers and fathers ( = 40) 20 (50%) fathers 20 (50%) mothers | Not reported. | Fathers and mothers mostly concurred that they were overworked and overburdened during the lockdown. Mothers were overburdened due to household chores, child-rearing, and home-schooling duties; and fathers due to “work from home” with poor Internet and phone facilities. |
| Germany | Quantitative—Cross sectional, longitudinal | To explore the social and economic implications of the pandemic for gender inequality in Germany, by examining changes in paid and unpaid work and in subjective well-being in response to the nationwide lockdown. | Mothers and fathers ( = 2,269) Number and percentage of mothers and fathers not reported separately. | Respondents aged 25 to 54 who participated in all three survey waves; in this review, only reported on parent data. | Analyses suggest an increase rather than a reduction in gender inequalities in Germany during the pandemic. Despite slight changes in how parents divided the additional childcare, mothers still did considerably more unpaid work during the lockdown than fathers. |
| United Kingdom | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To explore the effects of the COVID-19 crisis and the associated restrictions to economic activity on paid and unpaid work for men and women in the United Kingdom. | Mothers and fathers ( = 3,384) Number and percentage of mothers and fathers not reported separately. | Individuals aged 16–64 who participated in at least one of the COVID-19 waves and who had previously participated in Understanding Society longitudinal study wave nine. Restricted to those who report being employed as of January 2020. For the analysis of childcare, individuals with children aged 15 and younger across the two waves of the COVID-19 study. | Within the household, women provided on average a larger share of increased childcare needs, but in an important share of household’s fathers became the primary childcare providers. |
| United States | Qualitative—Grounded theory | To examine the differences between work and caregiving responsibilities of custodial single fathers prior to and during the COVID-19 pandemic. | Fathers only ( = 30) | Single, custodial fathers with a full-time job. | Fathers in the low-wage labor market experienced a significant intensification of work–family conflict and deterioration of mental health and emotional well-being. |
| United States | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To describe parenting experiences at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic and examines differences across parent gender and family income level. | Mothers and fathers ( = 1,009) 109 (11%) fathers 896 (89%) mothers | Participants who identified as men or women were included. Must have been parents with a child under 13 years of age. | Parents reported high levels of anxiety and depression symptoms, and a majority reported at least one symptom of parental burnout. |
| Germany | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To identify the effect of the COVID-19 crisis on fathers’ time spent on childcare tasks, examining difference between 2019 and period of first lockdown in Spring 2020. | Mothers and fathers ( = 925) 322 (35%) fathers 603 (65%) mothers | Households with a valid phone number, women and men aged 20–59 at the time of the first interview, and a child between 0 and 11 at the time of first interview in 2019. Excluded if no valid phone, single parents, childless couples, or divorced since the first interview. | Both parents reported spending more time with their children during the crisis than they did in the previous year. Although the absolute increase was a bit larger for the mothers, fathers spent, on average, 2.5 more hours per day with their children. |
| Netherlands | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine whether and how changes in parental stress of mothers and fathers from the Pre-COVID-19 period into the height of the first lockdown in the Netherlands were linked to changes in coercive parenting of mothers and fathers and to changes in co-parenting quality. | Mothers and fathers ( = 208) 104 fathers (50%) 104 (50%) mothers | Having a 3-year-old child, being a residential family in which one or more children were raised by a mother and a father, and having a Dutch native background (mother and father of both parents were born in the Netherlands). | Changes in parental stress may affect changes in co-parenting quality, indicating the importance of a family systems perspective in prevention and intervention programs. |
| Malaysia | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine the effect of lockdown order on parental burnout, parental neglect, and parental violence. | Mothers and fathers ( = 158) 38 (24.1%) fathers 120 (75.9%) mothers | Mothers or fathers in Malaysia that had (at least) one child still living at home. | The level of parental burnout during lockdown in Malaysia was between average and high, but there was no difference between mothers and fathers. |
| Italy | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine the prevalence of parenting-related exhaustion—and to identify its risk and protective factors—4 weeks into the COVID-19 lockdown. | Mothers and fathers ( = 1,226) 131 (11%) fathers 1,095 (89%) mothers | 18 years of age or older, the parent to at least one child aged 0–13 years who was living with them during the lockdown. | Mothers showed significantly higher psychological distress and more parenting-related exhaustion than fathers. |
| Iran | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To investigate the effect of home quarantine on psychological well-being and marital and parental outcomes in families living in Iran. | Mothers and fathers ( = 213) 73 (34.3%) fathers 140 (65.7%) mothers | All married fathers and mothers living in cities of Iran who have at least one child who needs care at home (without age limit), are literate, and have consented to participate in the study. | Fathers had higher scores in martial satisfaction and psychological well-being and lower parental burnout than mothers. |
| United States | Qualitative—Descriptive, content analysis using participatory action research | To examine how young Hispanic fathers are coping with the effects of COVID-19 pandemic. | Fathers only ( = 7) | Hispanic fathers who were part of a community-based fatherhood program. | The stress from the uncertainty of the pandemic and its potential threat to their livelihood resulted in a persistent state of worry among the participants. |
| Australia | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To identify traditional gender roles for U.S. and Australian parents and the effect of COVID on well-being during the first few months of the pandemic. | Mothers and fathers ( = 1,375) 672 (48.9%) fathers 703 (51.1%) mothers | Parents with childcare responsibilities. | The pandemic took different tolls on mothers and fathers in Australia and the United States. U.S. parents’ time spent in paid work, housework, and childcare served to reinforce hegemonic masculinity, while Australian parents reshuffled gender roles. |
| United States | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine concurrent patterns of parents’ experience from a national sample during the early months of the U.S. COVID-19 pandemic. | Mothers and fathers ( = 420) 218 (52%) fathers 202 (48%) mothers | Adults 18 years or older, living in the United States who speak English, and were caring for a child under the age of 18 years old in their home. | Fathers report higher rates of burden overall than mothers. |
| United States | Quantitative—Cross sectional, longitudinal | To explore the associations between resilience, mental health and stress indicators, and parenting outcomes (caregiver burden and parent–child relationship qualities) over a 30-day period during the COVID-19 pandemic. | Mothers and fathers ( = 271) 147 (54.2%) fathers 124 (45.8%) mothers | Individuals who were 18 years or older, living in the United States, who speak English and were caring for a child under 18 years old in their home were eligible to participate. | Fathers’ depression symptoms and associated spill-over to perceived child stress produced stronger effects on their parenting experiences than effects reported by mothers. |
| Canada | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine the perceived changes in the division of household labor in the months immediately following the beginning of the pandemic in Canada. | Mothers and fathers ( = 1,234) 613 (49.7%) fathers 621 (50.3%) mothers | Canadian parents, in a residential romantic relationship, 18 or older, have at least one residential child under the age of 18, English or French language proficiency, and have the ability to access an online survey. | There were small shifts toward a more equal division of labor in the early “lockdown” months, with increased participation in housework and childcare by fathers. |
| China | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To investigate the prevalence of paternal perinatal depression among the fathers exposed to the COVID-19 pandemic and to determine relevant risk factors. | Fathers only ( = 1,187) | Men with hospitalized partners at >28 weeks gestational age or within 7 days after delivery. | Declining risk of postpartum depression observed over the early period of the COVID-19 pandemic. |
| Israel | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To examine parental distress and apprehension about raising an infant during the COVID-19 pandemic among new parents, comparing mothers and fathers and exploring the role of personal resources. | Mothers and fathers ( = 606) 137 (22.6%) fathers 469 (77.4%) mothers | First-time parents of babies up to 1 year old had to read Hebrew. | New parents may experience parental distress and concerns about raising a child during the crisis, but there were no significant differences between mothers and fathers. |
| Israel | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To compare the parenting stress of new parents during the COVID-19 pandemic with the level of stress reported in the previous year, relating to both mothers and fathers. | Mothers and fathers ( = 1,591) 422 (26.5%) fathers 1,169 (73.5%) mothers | First-time Israeli parents of infants 3–12 months old and could complete questionnaires in Hebrew. | The findings highlight the vulnerability of new parents of young infants to parenting stress during the crisis, and the special attention which should be paid to fathers. |
| New Zealand | Quantitative—Cross sectional, longitudinal | To examine the presence and implications of gender differences in the division of labor during COVID-19 lockdowns. | Mothers and fathers ( = 314) 157 (50%) fathers 157 (50%) mothers | Couples who had been cohabiting for at least 1 year, spoke fluent English, and who had a child between 4 and 5 years old who had not been formally diagnosed with a social or cognitive impairment. | Women who were unfairly doing a greater share of housework and parenting, and having less personal time, experienced residual increases in relationship problems and residual decreases in satisfaction. |
( ) | Sweden | Qualitative—Ethnography | To explore fathering practices among Syrian refugee families in Sweden. | Fathers only ( = 3) | Being a cohabiting partner with at least one child in the age group 3–18 who had lived in Sweden for at least 3 years. | Provided insight into how fathering and family are shaped in the interaction between family members. |
| United Kingdom | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To describe gender divisions of unpaid care work during the height of the COVID-19 lockdown in the United Kingdom and its associations with psychological distress. | Mothers and fathers ( = 3,282) 1,641 (50%) fathers 1,641 (50%) mothers | Working, coupled parents. | There are continued gender inequalities in divisions of unpaid care work. |
| Netherlands | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To investigate gender differences in (a) paid work (work location, working days and times, perceived work pressure); (b) the division of childcare/household tasks; and (c) quality of life (leisure, work–life balance, relationship dynamics) among Dutch mothers and fathers during the COVID lockdown. | Mothers and fathers ( = 852) 375 (44%) fathers 477 (56%) mothers | Dutch household, at least one member in paid employment, at least one child age of 18 or younger living at home. | The impact of the first COVID-19 lockdown measures on Dutch parents was gendered, with some existing gender inequalities increasing. |
| United States | Quantitative—Cross sectional | To study the impact of the pandemic on gender equity within households in the United States and to understand gender differences, how fathers and mothers are coping in terms of childcare provision, employment, working arrangements, and psychological distress levels. | Mothers and fathers ( = 3,980) 1,950 (49%) fathers 2,030 (51%) mothers | All adults 18–65, married, or partnered. For the childcare analysis, only participants with school age children were included. | The unprecedented school closures, social distancing measures, and stay-at-home orders to contain the COVID-19 pandemic had the potential to drastically magnify gender differences in terms of both childcare arrangements. |
Outcome/study | Mental health | Interparental relationship | Parent–child bonding |
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Parental burnout | Depression | Anxiety | Social support | Stress | Work–family conflict | Co-parenting | Relationship satisfaction | Family functioning | Childcare responsibilities | Household tasks |
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Mental Health
Parenting stress, parental burnout, social support, interparental relations, division of childcare responsibilities, division of household responsibilities, work–family conflict, co-parenting, relationship satisfaction, family functioning, father–child interactions, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 2,687, web of science, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 2,357 results, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 2,754 results, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 1,034 results, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 606 results.
Outcome/study | Mental health |
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Parental burnout | Depression | Anxiety | Social support | Stress |
---|
| Parental Burnout Assessment | | | | |
| | Patient Health Questionnaire Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale | Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale | | |
| Parental Burnout Assessment | | | | |
| | | Study-Specific Questionnaire | | Parenting Stress Index-Short Form |
| | Patient Health Questionnaire | Generalized anxiety disorder | Multidimensional scale of perceived social support | |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire |
| | Short form PROMIS | Short form PROMIS | | |
| | Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale | | | |
| | | | | Modified Parental Stress Scale |
| | Study-specific questionnaire | Study-specific questionnaire | | |
| | | | | Copenhagen Psychosocial Questionnaire (COPSOQ) |
| | Qualitative Interview Guide | | | |
| Parental Burnout Assessment | Patient Health Questionnaire | Generalized Anxiety Disorder | | |
| | | | | Parental Stress Scale (PSS) |
| Parental Burnout Inventory | | | | |
| Parental Burnout Inventory | General Health Questionnaire | | | |
| Parental Burnout Assessment | 5-item well-being World Health Organization | | | |
| | | | | Qualitative Interview |
| Burden Scale for Family Caregivers—Short form | Major Depression Inventory | Generalized Anxiety Disorder | | |
| Burden Scale for Family Caregivers—Short form | Major Depression Inventory | | | Perceived Stress Scale–Adult Form |
| | Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale | | | |
| | | | | Parenting Stress Index–Short Form |
| | | | | Parenting Stress Index–Short Form |
(Wissö & Bäck-Wiklund, 2021) | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | |
Outcome/study | Interparental relationship |
---|
Work–family conflict | Co-parenting | Relationship satisfaction | Family functioning | Childcare responsibilities | Household tasks |
---|
| | Co-parenting inventory for parents and adolescents | | | | |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | Study-specific questionnaire |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | Study-specific questionnaire |
| Coronavirus Impact Scale | | | | | |
| | | | | | Study-specific questionnaire |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | Study-specific questionnaire |
| General Social Use survey – 2 items | | | | | |
| | Coparenting Relationship Scale-Brief | | | | |
| | | Qualitative Interview | | | Study-specific questionnaire |
| 10-item work–family conflict and family–work conflict scales | | | | | |
| | | | | Qualitative Interview | Study-specific questionnaire |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | Study-specific questionnaire |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | |
| Qualitative Interview | Qualitative Interview | | | | |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | |
| | Parental Teamwork subscale—Parenting and Family Adjustment Scale | | | | |
| | | Kansas Marital Satisfaction Scale | | | |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | Study-specific questionnaire |
| | | Investment Scale | | Study-specific questionnaire | Study-specific questionnaire |
( ) | | | | Qualitative Interview | Qualitative Interview | |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | |
| Study-specific questionnaire | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | Study-specific questionnaire |
| | | | | Study-specific questionnaire | |
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In Their Own Words, Americans Describe the Struggles and Silver Linings of the COVID-19 Pandemic
The outbreak has dramatically changed americans’ lives and relationships over the past year. we asked people to tell us about their experiences – good and bad – in living through this moment in history..
Pew Research Center has been asking survey questions over the past year about Americans’ views and reactions to the COVID-19 pandemic. In August, we gave the public a chance to tell us in their own words how the pandemic has affected them in their personal lives. We wanted to let them tell us how their lives have become more difficult or challenging, and we also asked about any unexpectedly positive events that might have happened during that time.
The vast majority of Americans (89%) mentioned at least one negative change in their own lives, while a smaller share (though still a 73% majority) mentioned at least one unexpected upside. Most have experienced these negative impacts and silver linings simultaneously: Two-thirds (67%) of Americans mentioned at least one negative and at least one positive change since the pandemic began.
For this analysis, we surveyed 9,220 U.S. adults between Aug. 31-Sept. 7, 2020. Everyone who completed the survey is a member of Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology .
Respondents to the survey were asked to describe in their own words how their lives have been difficult or challenging since the beginning of the coronavirus outbreak, and to describe any positive aspects of the situation they have personally experienced as well. Overall, 84% of respondents provided an answer to one or both of the questions. The Center then categorized a random sample of 4,071 of their answers using a combination of in-house human coders, Amazon’s Mechanical Turk service and keyword-based pattern matching. The full methodology and questions used in this analysis can be found here.
In many ways, the negatives clearly outweigh the positives – an unsurprising reaction to a pandemic that had killed more than 180,000 Americans at the time the survey was conducted. Across every major aspect of life mentioned in these responses, a larger share mentioned a negative impact than mentioned an unexpected upside. Americans also described the negative aspects of the pandemic in greater detail: On average, negative responses were longer than positive ones (27 vs. 19 words). But for all the difficulties and challenges of the pandemic, a majority of Americans were able to think of at least one silver lining.
Both the negative and positive impacts described in these responses cover many aspects of life, none of which were mentioned by a majority of Americans. Instead, the responses reveal a pandemic that has affected Americans’ lives in a variety of ways, of which there is no “typical” experience. Indeed, not all groups seem to have experienced the pandemic equally. For instance, younger and more educated Americans were more likely to mention silver linings, while women were more likely than men to mention challenges or difficulties.
Here are some direct quotes that reveal how Americans are processing the new reality that has upended life across the country.
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Essay On Covid-19: 100, 200 and 300 Words
COVID-19, also known as the Coronavirus, is a global pandemic that has affected people all around the world. It first emerged in a lab in Wuhan, China, in late 2019 and quickly spread to countries around the world. This virus was reportedly caused by SARS-CoV-2. Since then, it has spread rapidly to many countries, causing widespread illness and impacting our lives in numerous ways. This blog talks about the details of this virus and also drafts an essay on COVID-19 in 100, 200 and 300 words for students and professionals.
Table of Contents
- 1 Essay On COVID-19 in English 100 Words
- 2 Essay On COVID-19 in 200 Words
- 3 Essay On COVID-19 in 300 Words
- 4 Short Essay on Covid-19
Essay On COVID-19 in English 100 Words
COVID-19, also known as the coronavirus, is a global pandemic. It started in late 2019 and has affected people all around the world. The virus spreads very quickly through someone’s sneeze and respiratory issues.
COVID-19 has had a significant impact on our lives, with lockdowns, travel restrictions, and changes in daily routines. To prevent the spread of COVID-19, we should wear masks, practice social distancing, and wash our hands frequently.
People should follow social distancing and other safety guidelines and also learn the tricks to be safe stay healthy and work the whole challenging time.
Also Read: National Safe Motherhood Day 2023
Essay On COVID-19 in 200 Words
COVID-19 also known as coronavirus, became a global health crisis in early 2020 and impacted mankind around the world. This virus is said to have originated in Wuhan, China in late 2019. It belongs to the coronavirus family and causes flu-like symptoms. It impacted the healthcare systems, economies and the daily lives of people all over the world.
The most crucial aspect of COVID-19 is its highly spreadable nature. It is a communicable disease that spreads through various means such as coughs from infected persons, sneezes and communication. Due to its easy transmission leading to its outbreaks, there were many measures taken by the government from all over the world such as Lockdowns, Social Distancing, and wearing masks.
There are many changes throughout the economic systems, and also in daily routines. Other measures such as schools opting for Online schooling, Remote work options available and restrictions on travel throughout the country and internationally. Subsequently, to cure and top its outbreak, the government started its vaccine campaigns, and other preventive measures.
In conclusion, COVID-19 tested the patience and resilience of the mankind. This pandemic has taught people the importance of patience, effort and humbleness.
Also Read : Essay on My Best Friend
Essay On COVID-19 in 300 Words
COVID-19, also known as the coronavirus, is a serious and contagious disease that has affected people worldwide. It was first discovered in late 2019 in Cina and then got spread in the whole world. It had a major impact on people’s life, their school, work and daily lives.
COVID-19 is primarily transmitted from person to person through respiratory droplets produced and through sneezes, and coughs of an infected person. It can spread to thousands of people because of its highly contagious nature. To cure the widespread of this virus, there are thousands of steps taken by the people and the government.
Wearing masks is one of the essential precautions to prevent the virus from spreading. Social distancing is another vital practice, which involves maintaining a safe distance from others to minimize close contact.
Very frequent handwashing is also very important to stop the spread of this virus. Proper hand hygiene can help remove any potential virus particles from our hands, reducing the risk of infection.
In conclusion, the Coronavirus has changed people’s perspective on living. It has also changed people’s way of interacting and how to live. To deal with this virus, it is very important to follow the important guidelines such as masks, social distancing and techniques to wash your hands. Getting vaccinated is also very important to go back to normal life and cure this virus completely.
Also Read: Essay on Abortion in English in 650 Words
Short Essay on Covid-19
Please find below a sample of a short essay on Covid-19 for school students:
Also Read: Essay on Women’s Day in 200 and 500 words
to write an essay on COVID-19, understand your word limit and make sure to cover all the stages and symptoms of this disease. You need to highlight all the challenges and impacts of COVID-19. Do not forget to conclude your essay with positive precautionary measures.
Writing an essay on COVID-19 in 200 words requires you to cover all the challenges, impacts and precautions of this disease. You don’t need to describe all of these factors in brief, but make sure to add as many options as your word limit allows.
The full form for COVID-19 is Corona Virus Disease of 2019.
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Hence, we hope that this blog has assisted you in comprehending with an essay on COVID-19. For more information on such interesting topics, visit our essay writing page and follow Leverage Edu.
Simran Popli
An avid writer and a creative person. With an experience of 1.5 years content writing, Simran has worked with different areas. From medical to working in a marketing agency with different clients to Ed-tech company, the journey has been diverse. Creative, vivacious and patient are the words that describe her personality.
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Impact of COVID-19 on people's livelihoods, their health and our food systems
Joint statement by ilo, fao, ifad and who.
The COVID-19 pandemic has led to a dramatic loss of human life worldwide and presents an unprecedented challenge to public health, food systems and the world of work. The economic and social disruption caused by the pandemic is devastating: tens of millions of people are at risk of falling into extreme poverty, while the number of undernourished people, currently estimated at nearly 690 million, could increase by up to 132 million by the end of the year.
Millions of enterprises face an existential threat. Nearly half of the world’s 3.3 billion global workforce are at risk of losing their livelihoods. Informal economy workers are particularly vulnerable because the majority lack social protection and access to quality health care and have lost access to productive assets. Without the means to earn an income during lockdowns, many are unable to feed themselves and their families. For most, no income means no food, or, at best, less food and less nutritious food.
The pandemic has been affecting the entire food system and has laid bare its fragility. Border closures, trade restrictions and confinement measures have been preventing farmers from accessing markets, including for buying inputs and selling their produce, and agricultural workers from harvesting crops, thus disrupting domestic and international food supply chains and reducing access to healthy, safe and diverse diets. The pandemic has decimated jobs and placed millions of livelihoods at risk. As breadwinners lose jobs, fall ill and die, the food security and nutrition of millions of women and men are under threat, with those in low-income countries, particularly the most marginalized populations, which include small-scale farmers and indigenous peoples, being hardest hit.
Millions of agricultural workers – waged and self-employed – while feeding the world, regularly face high levels of working poverty, malnutrition and poor health, and suffer from a lack of safety and labour protection as well as other types of abuse. With low and irregular incomes and a lack of social support, many of them are spurred to continue working, often in unsafe conditions, thus exposing themselves and their families to additional risks. Further, when experiencing income losses, they may resort to negative coping strategies, such as distress sale of assets, predatory loans or child labour. Migrant agricultural workers are particularly vulnerable, because they face risks in their transport, working and living conditions and struggle to access support measures put in place by governments. Guaranteeing the safety and health of all agri-food workers – from primary producers to those involved in food processing, transport and retail, including street food vendors – as well as better incomes and protection, will be critical to saving lives and protecting public health, people’s livelihoods and food security.
In the COVID-19 crisis food security, public health, and employment and labour issues, in particular workers’ health and safety, converge. Adhering to workplace safety and health practices and ensuring access to decent work and the protection of labour rights in all industries will be crucial in addressing the human dimension of the crisis. Immediate and purposeful action to save lives and livelihoods should include extending social protection towards universal health coverage and income support for those most affected. These include workers in the informal economy and in poorly protected and low-paid jobs, including youth, older workers, and migrants. Particular attention must be paid to the situation of women, who are over-represented in low-paid jobs and care roles. Different forms of support are key, including cash transfers, child allowances and healthy school meals, shelter and food relief initiatives, support for employment retention and recovery, and financial relief for businesses, including micro, small and medium-sized enterprises. In designing and implementing such measures it is essential that governments work closely with employers and workers.
Countries dealing with existing humanitarian crises or emergencies are particularly exposed to the effects of COVID-19. Responding swiftly to the pandemic, while ensuring that humanitarian and recovery assistance reaches those most in need, is critical.
Now is the time for global solidarity and support, especially with the most vulnerable in our societies, particularly in the emerging and developing world. Only together can we overcome the intertwined health and social and economic impacts of the pandemic and prevent its escalation into a protracted humanitarian and food security catastrophe, with the potential loss of already achieved development gains.
We must recognize this opportunity to build back better, as noted in the Policy Brief issued by the United Nations Secretary-General. We are committed to pooling our expertise and experience to support countries in their crisis response measures and efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. We need to develop long-term sustainable strategies to address the challenges facing the health and agri-food sectors. Priority should be given to addressing underlying food security and malnutrition challenges, tackling rural poverty, in particular through more and better jobs in the rural economy, extending social protection to all, facilitating safe migration pathways and promoting the formalization of the informal economy.
We must rethink the future of our environment and tackle climate change and environmental degradation with ambition and urgency. Only then can we protect the health, livelihoods, food security and nutrition of all people, and ensure that our ‘new normal’ is a better one.
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Family in the Age of COVID‐19
Jay l. lebow.
1 Editor, Family Process, Family Institute at Northwestern, Evanston IL
The coronavirus has had a profound effect on the world in a multitude of ways. By the time this appears (written in mid‐April 2020), we probably will have some better sense of its ultimate impact. This essay centers on only one meaning of its effects: How it has impacted family life.
First and foremost, the COVID‐19 outbreak is a great human tragedy. In the long progression of human suffering, there have been other momentous times of loss, ranging from wars to genocides to massive oppression to other pandemics, but never one so widespread across such an interconnected world. Many people have died; still, more are critically ill. World economies and social structures suffer, and with this comes vulnerabilities to totalitarian and authoritarian politics in many countries.
Having said that, reactions to COVID‐19 also present a once in a lifetime international social experiment about family life, perhaps the most widespread social experiment of all time. Not only have individuals and families been dealing with threats to their health from COVID‐19 itself by trying to avoid and survive infection, but there have also been so many special meanings for families. For many, there, very directly, is the loss of family members (with those losses often occurring in ways removed from family contact that are in this era unusual). For almost everyone, there are anxieties and other feelings related to such potential losses (Weingarten & Worthen, 2018 ). Combine this with the other problems (e.g., increased unemployment and financial vulnerability) that accompany the pandemic, dealing with loss and possible loss are ubiquitous (Walsh, 2019 ).
Beyond such direct impacts of the virus, there are indirect effects. We are living through an intense period for family life, governed by a unique set of very strong external boundaries. Physical contact and close emotional contact have been mandated in many places by orders to remain within living units. This makes for powerful shared processes. It also makes for sometimes painful, intentional choices about who is in close contact with whom, that is, who is included within the boundary of close contact and who is excluded. To quote Dickens, “It was the best of times; It was the worst of times” (Dickens, 2014 ), a moment in which stories of heroic family closeness and resilience (Walsh, 2016 ) and unmitigated family stress and conflict both are prevalent. Enactments having to do with key processes within families can be expected to frequently emerge, moments that have long been described by structural family therapists as filled with possibilities for both gains and deterioration (Minuchin, 1974 ).
COVID‐19 also has plunged most of us full tilt into the already emerging world of virtual connection. Contacts beyond the nuclear family unit are almost exclusively by videoconferencing, phone, or app. With this change, it does seem that geography is now becoming far less a factor in our interconnected world. Zoom across an ocean or to next door does not differ much from each other. Yet, there is a difference between virtual and in‐person contact. Again, there are both the yin and yang of this, both the challenge of loss of connection and new possibilities for connection (Fishbane, 2019 ). Future social science will sure tell us how this has been experienced and its impact.
There have also been additional tests for those families that already face special challenges. What is the impact on families that already have members or subsystems in which there are individual or relational difficulties that are now cutoff from much of the outside world? Clearly, additional risks are evident in couples and families already at risk of violence, conflict, or other forms of relational difficulty. Not surprisingly, early data from China point to an increase in divorce rates during their period of lockdown (Prasso, 2019 ). Additional difficulties also likely emerge for families who have been dealing with troubled family members with the help of others that is now absent (McFarlane, 2016 ). Similarly, there are new and different opportunities for conflict in divorced and remarried families, where the frequency of contact between parents and children often already is at issue (Ganong & Coleman, 2018 ; Lebow, 2019a , 2019b ; Papernow, 2018 ). In other families, what looked to be successful processes of family transition, such as young adults leaving home to establish their own identities, have been suddenly radically reversed, engendering a myriad of problematic possibilities. And as virtual communication becomes the norm, what do families do about connecting with those who lack the necessary technology or technological skill to do so? There also is a challenge for those who depend on rituals for connection, be it church or Alcoholics Anonymous meetings or family dinners, that are now disrupted. Research shows that the maintenance of such regular and dependable rituals can be central in distinguishing those who become casualties from those who remain resilient through difficult times (Bennett, Wolin, Reiss, & Teitelbaum, 1987 ; Imber‐Black, Roberts, & Whiting, 1988 ). It also has already emerged that this virus is fatal far more often in some groups, such as African Americans, than in others. As is frequently the case in terrible events, effects are more pronounced for those who have the least financial resources. Crises like this one call further attention to profound underlying issues surrounding the impact of income inequality and racism in society (Anderson, McKenny, & Stevenson, 2019 ; Watson, 2019 ).
On the clinical front, COVID‐19 has prompted a vast expansion in telehealth practices and a considerable evolution in the methods and ethics for practice delivered through technology. For those who do couple and family therapy, the issues raised are complex and there has been limited guidance from earlier writing and presentations about these methods (Caldwell et al., 2017 ; Hertlein, Blumer, & Mihaloliakos, 2015 ; Hertlein & Piercy, 2012 ; Pickens et al., 2020 ). How to establish appointments with some members of a family at a distance? How to guarantee the privacy of the members of a family who are in treatment from those who are not? How to adapt therapies that involve young children? 1 What have been the initial offerings of a few about telehealth and online intervention in relational therapies (Connolly, Miller, Lindsay, & Bauer, 2020 ; Forgatch & Kjøbli, 2016 ; Georgia Salivar, Rothman, Roddy, & Doss, 2018 ; Owen, 2019 ; Roddy, Nowlan, & Doss, 2017 ; Traube et al., 2019 ; Tsami, Lerman, & Toper‐Korkmaz, 2019 ) have suddenly become the predominant methods of practice.
All these specific questions about the clinical practice of couple and family therapy also lead to larger empirical questions. Are relational therapies delivered at a distance as effective as in‐person therapy? What impact do teletherapy treatments or computer and app‐mediated prevention programs have on relational life and individual well‐being in this time? How are therapy processes, such as alliance formation, impacted (Davis & Hsieh, 2019 )? Do some forms of couple and family therapy or therapist methods of practice export to telehealth better than others (Russell & Breunlin, 2019 )? Are there alterations in practice that are needed for the most effective telehealth practice? Several studies already point to the benefits of online methods (Connolly et al., 2020 ; Owen, 2019 ; Traube et al., 2019 ; Tsami et al., 2019 ), but what can we learn from this vastly expanded context?
All told, these are highly stressful and most interesting times. Clinical experience already points to emerging trends. It will be fascinating to see what family science finds to be the short‐ and long‐term effects of these times and the impact of our methods of intervention during it.
1 The good news for those with a systemic focus is that this question about therapy with children can only be answered by including parents in therapy; thus, a systemic goal of parent involvement in all cases may be furthered by the evolution of this medium.
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12 Ideas for Writing Through the Pandemic With The New York Times
A dozen writing projects — including journals, poems, comics and more — for students to try at home.
By Natalie Proulx
The coronavirus has transformed life as we know it. Schools are closed, we’re confined to our homes and the future feels very uncertain. Why write at a time like this?
For one, we are living through history. Future historians may look back on the journals, essays and art that ordinary people are creating now to tell the story of life during the coronavirus.
But writing can also be deeply therapeutic. It can be a way to express our fears, hopes and joys. It can help us make sense of the world and our place in it.
Plus, even though school buildings are shuttered, that doesn’t mean learning has stopped. Writing can help us reflect on what’s happening in our lives and form new ideas.
We want to help inspire your writing about the coronavirus while you learn from home. Below, we offer 12 projects for students, all based on pieces from The New York Times, including personal narrative essays, editorials, comic strips and podcasts. Each project features a Times text and prompts to inspire your writing, as well as related resources from The Learning Network to help you develop your craft. Some also offer opportunities to get your work published in The Times, on The Learning Network or elsewhere.
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IMAGES
VIDEO
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The aim of this literature review is to identify the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on family well-being based on the previously published articles. Literature Review. The coronavirus pandemic has become a public health crisis or disaster that has had an impact on family well-being both directly and indirectly. An infectious disease outbreak ...
How to Write About Coronavirus Using the Special COVID-19 (250-Word) Section on the Common App. Option 1: The Straightforward Way. Option 2: The Slightly More Creative Way. How to Write About Coronavirus Using the (650-Word) Additional Information Section.
The COVID-19 pandemic has caused widespread infection, school closures, and high rates of job loss. Much of the current research has focused on the clinical features of COVID-19 infection, but the family well-being consequences of COVID-19 are less well documented. The goal of the current study is to describe parent and child well-being
A growing body of research demonstrates that COVID-19 has had a profound impact on family functioning and well-being in a range of countries. The fear and uncertainty of the health risks, in addition to the stress from ensuing restrictions and constraints on everyday life caused major disruptions, impacting the financial, emotional, and physical well-being of adults and children alike.
March 14, 2024. It has been four years since the World Health Organization declared Covid-19 a global pandemic on March 11, 2020. The New York Times writes of the anniversary: Four years ago today ...
The potential impact of COVID-19 on adolescents' social development. Adolescence is a time of social exploration where peers begin to play a greater role than parents as teens move toward ...
Writing About COVID-19 in College Essays. Experts say students should be honest and not limit themselves to merely their experiences with the pandemic. The global impact of COVID-19, the disease ...
To quantify the impact of the COVID‐19 pandemic and public health interventions on parent and child mental health and family relationships, we examined change in individual and family functioning in a sample of parents enrolled in a prevention trial; we examined change before the pandemic (2017-2019) when children were an average of 7 years old to the first months after the imposition of ...
The effects of the social changes wrought by the COVID-19 pandemic were not wholly negative, however. Overall, most kids reported five times more positive interactions than negative interactions ...
Background The COVID-19 pandemic has uniquely affected children and families by disrupting routines, changing relationships and roles, and altering usual child care, school and recreational activities. Understanding the way families experience these changes from parents' perspectives may help to guide research on the effects of COVID-19 among children. Main body As a multidisciplinary team ...
This essay examines key aspects of social relationships that were disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic. It focuses explicitly on relational mechanisms of health and brings together theory and emerging evidence on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic to make recommendations for future public health policy and recovery. We first provide an overview of the pandemic in the UK context, outlining the ...
The student or a family member had COVID-19 or suffered other illnesses due to confinement during the pandemic. The candidate had to deal with personal or family issues, such as abusive living situations or other safety concerns. The student suffered from a lack of internet access and other online learning challenges.
Read these 12 moving essays about life during coronavirus. Artists, novelists, critics, and essayists are writing the first draft of history. A woman wearing a face mask in Miami. Alissa Wilkinson ...
COVID-19 and Family Dynamics 2 Abstract The COVID-19 crisis and its reverberations resulted in levels of economic distress unprecedented since the 1930s. But COVID was a seismic social shock even for families that lost no income, due at least in part to abrupt school closures and the widespread threat of illness and death.
Effects of COVID-19 Pandemic on Family Functioning. A variety of natural, economic, and public health crisis have affected families throughout the world, causing distress to family members, including mental health problems, interparental conflict, and relational instability, generating an increase in rough and abusive parenting. 16, 17 During the COVID-19 pandemic, families have suffered ...
October 21, 2020 · 7 min read. The global impact of COVID-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus, means colleges and prospective students alike are in for an admissions cycle like no ...
To explore and describe the birth and new parenting experiences in South Africa during the COVID-19 pandemic, the impact of COVID-19 and the lockdown on these experiences, and the association between birth experiences and postpartum depressive symptoms. Mothers and fathers (n = 520) 24 (4.6%) fathers 296 (95.4%) mothers
The outbreak has dramatically changed Americans' lives and relationships over the past year. We asked people to tell us about their experiences - good and bad - in living through this moment in history. Pew Research Center has been asking survey questions over the past year about Americans' views and reactions to the COVID-19 pandemic.
COVID-19, also known as the coronavirus, is a global pandemic. It started in late 2019 and has affected people all around the world. The virus spreads very quickly through someone's sneeze and respiratory issues. COVID-19 has had a significant impact on our lives, with lockdowns, travel restrictions, and changes in daily routines.
Reading time: 3 min (864 words) The COVID-19 pandemic has led to a dramatic loss of human life worldwide and presents an unprecedented challenge to public health, food systems and the world of work. The economic and social disruption caused by the pandemic is devastating: tens of millions of people are at risk of falling into extreme poverty ...
Family in the Age of COVID‐19. The coronavirus has had a profound effect on the world in a multitude of ways. By the time this appears (written in mid‐April 2020), we probably will have some better sense of its ultimate impact. This essay centers on only one meaning of its effects: How it has impacted family life.
Future historians may look back on the journals, essays and art that ordinary people are creating now to tell the story of life during the coronavirus. But writing can also be deeply therapeutic.
fe have changed immensely due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The most impacted aspects of work life are policies, service delivery, and work environment, especially with a new focus. n what we can do to deliver remote services efectively. The impacts to my personal life include my children's education, our shared work environment, and our health ...
Using a word cloud can be a fun and easy way to generate words and ideas for your essay. 3. When writing about COVID-19, make unique connections and use unconventional language.