Jutta Joormann Ph.D.

Coronavirus Disease 2019

How the pandemic changed family dynamics, the potential impact of covid-19 on adolescents’ social development..

Posted August 2, 2021 | Reviewed by Abigail Fagan

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  • The social effects of quarantine hit younger adolescents particularly hard, derailing typical development.
  • During COVID-19, family was more influential than friends during a developmental period when the opposite would normally be true.
  • Siblings may have functioned as a buffer against the social effects of quarantine for older adolescents.

The social landscape has looked wildly different over the past year and a half. Because of the quarantines and social restrictions made necessary by the COVID-19 pandemic, in-person social interactions were greatly reduced in 2020 as many found themselves spending the majority of their time at home with family, and away from friends and colleagues. Previous research has already connected quarantine and increased mental health issues that have been observed during the pandemic (e.g., Chahal et al., 2020; Ghebreyesus et al., 2020).

Adolescence is a time of social exploration where peers begin to play a greater role than parents as teens move toward independence, so the disruption of this normative timeline, and particularly interactions with friends, is cause for concern (Ellis et al., 2020; Orben, Tomova, Blakemore, 2020). Cross-sectional studies on the effects of COVID-19 have shown that maintaining friendships is something children and adolescents were bothered by and that while online social connections can be beneficial, in-person interactions are more effective (Ellis et al., 2020; Orben et al., 2020).

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A recent study led by Dr. Reuma Gadassi-Polack in our lab expanded what is known about the effects of COVID-19 quarantine by looking at adolescents’ social interactions and depressive symptoms before and during the pandemic (Gadassi Polack et al., in press). Researchers collected data from kids using short questionnaires completed daily, a year before COVID and again at the beginning of the pandemic. Each day, participants reported both positive and negative interactions with family members and peers and their depressive symptoms.

The study looked at 112 participants (age 8-15) who completed daily questionnaires in both the initial pre-COVID data collection (Wave 1) and the data collection during COVID (Wave 2). Researchers were able to capture information about both individual relationships and how they affect one another via “spillover,” a concept that will be discussed further below.

COVID Had Greater Negative Effects on Younger Adolescents

In typical development, we would expect to see uniform increases in interactions with peers alongside decreases in interactions with parents (e.g., Lam et al., 2012; Larson et al., 1991; Larson et al., 1996). Instead, younger (but not older) participants had significantly fewer positive interactions with peers during COVID compared to pre-COVID. For participants 13 and older, significantly more positive interactions with siblings were seen during COVID vs. before. This led to a greater negative impact on younger adolescents, who lost positive interactions with peers without gaining any positive interactions with siblings like older adolescents. In fact, younger adolescents had more negative interactions with siblings than friends or parents.

Photo by August de Richelieu from Pexels

For both age groups, negative interactions with friends significantly decreased while there were no other significant decreases in other relationships. This finding presents a different facet of the move to online school: for some, this was an opportunity to escape a negative environment.

Altogether, the lack of the expected increase in interactions with friends suggests that the COVID-19 pandemic has derailed the typical trajectory of social development. The larger effect can potentially be credited to less social development as younger adolescents are experiencing the same effects earlier in development, with less social skills in place. A further implication of these results is that in-person interactions cannot be neatly substituted with virtual interaction.

Family Members Were More Influential than Friends During the Early Stages of COVID-19

Looking at a process named “spillover” allowed researchers to understand the connections within the family, family subsystems, and peer relationships. The concept of spillover is grounded in the idea that our social world is made up of subsystems, including those within the family: the mother and father is a subsystem, as is the parent and child, or the siblings. These subsystems are of course connected (e.g., the mother-father relationship is related to the mother-child relationship), but not without some boundaries . When these boundaries become weaker, interactions in one subsystem can affect interactions in other subsystems via spillover (e.g., Chung et al., 2011; Flook & Fuligni, 2008; Kaufman et al., 2020; Krishnakumar & Buehler, 2000; Mastrotheodoros et al., 2020).

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For example, an argument between parents can cause each parent to be more likely to argue with their child. What began as a negative interaction in the mother-father relationship has then spilled over into the parent-child relationship. This example would be considered negative spillover, where negative occurrences in one subsystem lead to negative interactions or feelings in another. Positive spillover occurs when the same thing happens with positive occurrences. For example, being praised by their mother might cause a child to be kinder to their sibling . Then, a positive interaction in the mother-child relationship has spilled over into the sibling relationship.

COVID-19 appeared to create a more closed family system, with fewer spillover effects from outside and more inside. In other words, interactions with family members impacted interactions with friends to a lesser degree during COVID. Separate interactions with family and friends are expected to affect each other less as adolescents develop typically. However, in the context of the pandemic, this was particularly detrimental for those who already had more negative family relationships prior to COVID as there was less day-level positive spillover and increased negative spillover on the individual level.

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Increase in Depressive Symptoms Related to Family Interactions

Changes were not only seen in interactions, but also in levels of depressive symptoms. Depressive symptoms increased significantly by almost 40 percent during COVID-19, regardless of age. This signifies the severity of COVID-19’s impact on adolescent mental health, above and beyond any increase in depression typically seen in development (e.g., Salk et al., 2016). The occurrence of less positive and more negative interactions with family members significantly predicted depressive symptoms during COVID-19.

More Positive than Negative Interactions and a New Role for Siblings

The effects of the social changes wrought by the COVID-19 pandemic were not wholly negative, however. Overall, most kids reported five times more positive interactions than negative interactions. Importantly, having more positive interactions with family members was associated with smaller increases in depressive symptoms during COVID.

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The effect of the pandemic on sibling relationships was also more positive. Few would be surprised to hear siblings had a high number of negative interactions – much higher compared to any other relationship. However, increased positive interactions without an increase in negative interactions with siblings was seen in older adolescents, suggesting that siblings can compensate at least somewhat for the decrease in in-person peer interactions.

Combined with prior research on siblings’ positive effects on mental health and loneliness (McHale, Updegraff, & Whiteman, 2012; Wikle, Ackert, & Jenson, 2019), these results suggest that the presence of siblings is beneficial during a time of social isolation .

In general, this research shines a light on how important peer interactions are for normative development and the necessity of ensuring children and adolescents are given opportunities to spend time, especially in-person, with peers.

Take-Home Points

  • Family negativity predicted the increase in depressive symptoms during COVID-19. In families with more positive interactions, there was less of an increase.
  • Siblings potentially functioned as a buffer for the social effects of quarantine for older adolescents.

Anna Leah Davis, a Yale undergraduate, contributed to the writing of this blog post.

Chahal, R., Kirshenbaum, J. S., Miller, J. G., Ho, T. C., & Gotlib, I. H. (2020). Higher executive control network coherence buffers against puberty-related increases in internalizing symptoms during the COVID-19 pandemic. Biological Psychiatry. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bpsc.2020.08.010

Chung, G. H., Flook, L., & Fuligni, A. J. (2011). Reciprocal associations between family and peer conflict in adolescents' daily lives. Child Development, 82, 1390–1396. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2011.01625.x

Ellis, W. E., Dumas, T. M., & Forbes, L. M. (2020). Physically isolated but socially connected: Psychological adjustment and stress among adolescents during the initial COVID-19 crisis. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 52, 177-187. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cbs0000215

Flook, L., & Fuligni, A. J. (2008). Family and school spillover in adolescents’ daily lives. Child Development, 79, 776-787. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2008.01157.x

Gadassi Polack, R. Sened, H., Aubé, S., Zhang, A., Joormann, J., & Kober, H. (in press) Connections during Crisis: Adolescents’ social dynamics and mental health during COVID-19. Developmental Psychology.

Ghebreyesus, T.A. (2020). Addressing mental health needs: an integral part of COVID-19 response. World Psychiatry, 19, 129–130. https://doi.org/10.1002/wps.20768

Hankin, B. L., Stone, L., & Wright, P. A. (2010). Corumination, interpersonal stress generation, and internalizing symptoms: accumulating effects and transactional influences in a multiwave study of adolescents. Development and Psychopathology, 22, 217–235. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954579409990368

Kaufman, T. M., Kretschmer, T., Huitsing, G., & Veenstra, R. (2020). Caught in a vicious cycle? Explaining bidirectional spillover between parent-child relationships and peer victimization. Development and Psychopathology, 32, 11-20. doi: 10.1017/S0954579418001360.

Krishnakumar, A., & Buehler, C. (2000). Interparental conflict and parenting behaviors: A meta‐analytic review. Family Relations, 49, 25-44. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3729.2000.00025.x

Lam, C. B., McHale, S. M., & Crouter, A. C. (2012). Parent–child shared time from middle childhood to late adolescence: Developmental course and adjustment correlates. Child Development, 83, 2089-2103. DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8624.2012.01826.x

Larson, R., & Richards, M. H. (1991). Daily companionship in late childhood and early adolescence: Changing developmental contexts. Child Development, 62, 284-300. https://doi.org/10.2307/1131003

Larson, R. W., Richards, M. H., Moneta, G., Holmbeck, G., & Duckett, E. (1996). Changes in adolescents' daily interactions with their families from ages 10 to 18: Disengagement and transformation. Developmental Psychology, 32, 744–754. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.32.4.744

Mastrotheodoros, S., Van Lissa, C. J., Van der Graaff, J., Deković, M., Meeus, W. H., & Branje, S. J. (2020). Day-to-day spillover and long-term transmission of interparental conflict to adolescent–mother conflict: The role of mood. Journal of Family Psychology. doi: 10.1037/fam0000649.

McHale, S. M., Updegraff, K. A., & Whiteman, S. D. (2012). Sibling Relationships and Influences in Childhood and Adolescence. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 74, 913–930. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3737.2012.01011.x

Orben, A., Tomova, L., & Blakemore, S. J. (2020). The effects of social deprivation on adolescent development and mental health. The Lancet Child & Adolescent Health. https://doi.org/10.1016/ S2352-4642(20)30186-3

Salk, R. H., Petersen, J. L., Abramson, L. Y., & Hyde, J. S. (2016). The contemporary face of gender differences and similarities in depression throughout adolescence: Development and chronicity. Journal of Affective Disorders, 205, 28-35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2016.03.071

Wikle, J. S., Ackert, E., & Jensen, A. C. (2019). Companionship patterns and emotional states during social interactions for adolescents with and without siblings. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 48, 2190–2206. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-019-01121-z

Jutta Joormann Ph.D.

Jutta Joormann, Ph.D ., is a professor of psychology at Yale University who studies risk factors for depression and anxiety disorders.

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  • Published: 30 November 2020

Family perspectives of COVID-19 research

  • Shelley M. Vanderhout 1 ,
  • Catherine S. Birken 2 ,
  • Peter Wong 3 ,
  • Sarah Kelleher 4 ,
  • Shannon Weir 4 &
  • Jonathon L. Maguire 1 , 5  

Research Involvement and Engagement volume  6 , Article number:  69 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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The COVID-19 pandemic has uniquely affected children and families by disrupting routines, changing relationships and roles, and altering usual child care, school and recreational activities. Understanding the way families experience these changes from parents’ perspectives may help to guide research on the effects of COVID-19 among children.

As a multidisciplinary team of child health researchers, we assembled a group of nine parents to identify concerns, raise questions, and voice perspectives to inform COVID-19 research for children and families. Parents provided a range of insightful perspectives, ideas for research questions, and reflections on their experiences during the pandemic.

Including parents as partners in early stages of COVID-19 research helped determine priorities, led to more feasible data collection methods, and hopefully has improved the relevance, applicability and value of research findings to parents and children.

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Plain English summary

Understanding the physical, mental, and emotional impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic for children and families will help to guide approaches to support families and children during the pandemic and after. As a team of child health researchers in Toronto, Canada, we assembled a group of parents and clinician researchers during the COVID-19 pandemic to identify concerns, raise questions, and voice perspectives to inform COVID-19 research for children and families. Parents were eager to share their experience of shifting roles, priorities, and routines during the pandemic, and were instrumental in guiding research priorities and methods to understand of the effects of COVID-19 on families. First-hand experience that parents have in navigating the COVID-19 pandemic with their families contributed to collaborative relationships between researchers and research participants, helped orient research about COVID-19 in children around family priorities, and offered valuable perspectives for the development of guidelines for safe return to school and childcare. Partnerships between researchers and families in designing and delivering COVID-19 research may lead to a better understanding of how health research can best support children and their families during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Children and families have been uniquely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. While children appear to experience milder symptoms from COVID-19 infection than older individuals [ 1 ], sudden changes in routines, resources, and relationships as a result of restrictions on physical interaction have resulted in major impacts on families with young children. In the absence of school, child care, extra-curricular activities and family gatherings, children’s social and support networks have been broadly disrupted. Stress from COVID-19 has been compounded by additional responsibilities for parents as they adapt to their new roles as educators and playmates while balancing full-time caregiving with their own stressful changes to work, financial and social situations. On the contrary, families with greater parental support and perceived control have had less perceived stress during COVID-19 [ 2 ].

The COVID-19 pandemic has rapidly sparked research activity across the globe. Patient and family voices are increasingly considered essential to research agenda and priority setting [ 3 ]. Understanding the physical, mental, and emotional consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for families will inform approaches to support parents and children during the pandemic and after. In this unusual time, patient and family voices can be valuable in informing health research priorities, study designs, implementation plans and knowledge translation strategies that directly affect them [ 4 ].

As a multidisciplinary team of child health researchers with expertise in general paediatrics, nutrition and mental health, we assembled a group of nine parents to identify concerns, raise questions, and voice perspectives to inform COVID-19 research for children and families. Parents were recruited from the TARGet Kids! primary care research network [ 5 ], which is a collaboration between applied health researchers at the SickKids and St. Michael’s Hospitals, primary care providers from the Departments of Pediatrics and Family and Community Medicine at the University of Toronto, and families. Parents were contacted by email and invited to voluntary meetings on April 7 and 23, 2020 via Zoom [ 6 ] for 3 h. In an unstructured discussion, we asked how parents imagined research about COVID-19 could make an impact on child and family well-being. Parents were encouraged to share their lived experience and perspectives on the anticipated effects of COVID-19 and social distancing policies on their children and families, and opinions to inform how research on child mental and physical health during and after the pandemic could best be conducted. Parents had opportunities to review proposed data collection tools such as smartphone apps and serology testing devices, and provided feedback about the feasibility and meaningfulness of each. Content, frequency and organization of questionnaires were also reviewed by parents to ensure they were appropriate in length and feasible to complete.

Parent perspectives

Parents were optimistic that research would provide an understanding of the effects of COVID-19 on families and deliver solutions to minimize negative effects and bolster positive effects. Parents wondered about several questions which they hoped research would answer including: What will be the effects of physical distancing and disrupted routines for my children? How can I help my children develop healthy coping habits? How can I appropriately talk about the virus with my children? What factors might predict resiliency against negative effects of the pandemic among children and families, and how can these be strengthened?

Parents speculated what risks children might face as a result of schoolwork transitioning to home, educational activities provided online, child care being limited or unavailable, social relationships changing, sports and extra-curricular activities being cancelled, and stress and anxiety increasing at home. Some parents reflected on feeling some relief from not having to coordinate usual extracurricular activities. However, they expressed frustration in finding high quality educational activities and resources to support physical and mental health for their children during physical isolation. Parents voiced a need for a centralized, accessible hub with peer reviewed, high quality resources to keep children entertained and supported while spending more time indoors, away from usual activities and school. They hoped for resources to help families adjust to new routines and roles, as well as answer children’s questions in truthful ways that would not increase anxiety.

Parents were curious about studying the impact of COVID-19 on children and families. How would researchers use information about children who are affected physically, mentally, or socially by the pandemic? What could be the possible implications of testing for COVID-19 on social relationships and parents’ employment? This question generated discussion about difficult positions families of lower socio-economic status, who may need to maintain attendance at work but have a suspected COVID-19 infected household member. Would health and social care for children going forward reflect the unique ways they had been impacted by changes in their daily routines and relationships? How can families return to school and everyday routines with a minimum of disruption? What will be done to prepare children and families for emergency situations in the future? Considering these questions may lead child health researchers to study relevant and contemporary concepts to families during the COVID-19 pandemic.

When presented with options to include more measures on other family members, parents maintained that the focus of our COVID-19 research should be on children. Parents provided essential feedback about the length and frequency of questionnaires, to ensure they were appropriate given the limited time available for completing them. Parent involvement early in the research process helped to direct research priorities, informed data collection strategies and hopefully has increased the relevance of research conducted for children and families. Conducting a follow-up meeting with parents was important to understand shifting concerns and ensure data collection was reflecting current routines, habits and policies affecting families.

Conclusions

As researchers who are seeking to understand the impact of COVID-19 on children and families, we felt it important to involve families in designing and implementing new research. First-hand experience that parents have in navigating the COVID-19 pandemic with their children contributed to co-building between researchers and research participants. Parents were generous with their time and provided insightful, honest suggestions for how researchers could create knowledge that would be directly relevant to them. Next steps will include expanding our dialogue with a more diverse group of parents in terms of gender, as all parents in our meetings were women, and ethnicity to better represent the diversity of Toronto. Other researchers conducting COVID-19 research among children and families may consider engaging parents and caregivers in preliminary stages to identify priorities, understand lived experiences and help guide all stages of the research process. This presents value in focusing research on the most important priorities for families and developing data collection methods which are feasible in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. As the nature of the COVID-19 pandemic is dynamic, ongoing communication between researchers and parents to understand changing perspectives and concerns is important to respond to family needs. We hope that ongoing partnerships between parents and researchers will promote leadership among parents as co-investigators in COVID-19 research, and result in research which addresses the needs of parents and children during the COVID-19 pandemic. Ideally, engaging with families in COVID-19 research will result in findings that will be valuable to families, assist them in developing collective resilience, and provide a foundation for family-oriented research throughout the COVD-19 pandemic and beyond.

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Acknowledgements

We thank the TARGet Kids! Parent And Clinician Team for their generous contribution of time and participation in discussions about COVID-19 in children and families.

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Li Ka Shing Knowledge Institute of St. Michael’s Hospital, Unity Health Toronto, 209 Victoria St, Toronto, ON, M5B 1T8, Canada

Shelley M. Vanderhout & Jonathon L. Maguire

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Catherine S. Birken

Child Health Evaluative Sciences, The Hospital for Sick Children, Peter Gilgan Centre for Research & Learning, 686 Bay Street, 11th floor, Toronto, Ontario, M5G 0A4, Canada

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Sarah Kelleher & Shannon Weir

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Shelley Vanderhout, Catherine Birken, Peter Wong, Shannon Weir, Sarah Kelleher and Jonathon Maguire participated in the concept and design, drafting and revising of the manuscript. All authors approved the manuscript as submitted and agree to be accountable for all aspects of the work.

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Vanderhout, S.M., Birken, C.S., Wong, P. et al. Family perspectives of COVID-19 research. Res Involv Engagem 6 , 69 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40900-020-00242-1

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  • http://orcid.org/0000-0003-1512-4471 Emily Long 1 ,
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  • http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7342-4566 Raquel Bosó Pérez 1 ,
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  • Correspondence to Dr Emily Long, MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow, Glasgow G3 7HR, UK; emily.long{at}glasgow.ac.uk

This essay examines key aspects of social relationships that were disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic. It focuses explicitly on relational mechanisms of health and brings together theory and emerging evidence on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic to make recommendations for future public health policy and recovery. We first provide an overview of the pandemic in the UK context, outlining the nature of the public health response. We then introduce four distinct domains of social relationships: social networks, social support, social interaction and intimacy, highlighting the mechanisms through which the pandemic and associated public health response drastically altered social interactions in each domain. Throughout the essay, the lens of health inequalities, and perspective of relationships as interconnecting elements in a broader system, is used to explore the varying impact of these disruptions. The essay concludes by providing recommendations for longer term recovery ensuring that the social relational cost of COVID-19 is adequately considered in efforts to rebuild.

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Data sharing not applicable as no data sets generated and/or analysed for this study. Data sharing not applicable as no data sets generated or analysed for this essay.

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Introduction

Infectious disease pandemics, including SARS and COVID-19, demand intrapersonal behaviour change and present highly complex challenges for public health. 1 A pandemic of an airborne infection, spread easily through social contact, assails human relationships by drastically altering the ways through which humans interact. In this essay, we draw on theories of social relationships to examine specific ways in which relational mechanisms key to health and well-being were disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Relational mechanisms refer to the processes between people that lead to change in health outcomes.

At the time of writing, the future surrounding COVID-19 was uncertain. Vaccine programmes were being rolled out in countries that could afford them, but new and more contagious variants of the virus were also being discovered. The recovery journey looked long, with continued disruption to social relationships. The social cost of COVID-19 was only just beginning to emerge, but the mental health impact was already considerable, 2 3 and the inequality of the health burden stark. 4 Knowledge of the epidemiology of COVID-19 accrued rapidly, but evidence of the most effective policy responses remained uncertain.

The initial response to COVID-19 in the UK was reactive and aimed at reducing mortality, with little time to consider the social implications, including for interpersonal and community relationships. The terminology of ‘social distancing’ quickly became entrenched both in public and policy discourse. This equation of physical distance with social distance was regrettable, since only physical proximity causes viral transmission, whereas many forms of social proximity (eg, conversations while walking outdoors) are minimal risk, and are crucial to maintaining relationships supportive of health and well-being.

The aim of this essay is to explore four key relational mechanisms that were impacted by the pandemic and associated restrictions: social networks, social support, social interaction and intimacy. We use relational theories and emerging research on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic response to make three key recommendations: one regarding public health responses; and two regarding social recovery. Our understanding of these mechanisms stems from a ‘systems’ perspective which casts social relationships as interdependent elements within a connected whole. 5

Social networks

Social networks characterise the individuals and social connections that compose a system (such as a workplace, community or society). Social relationships range from spouses and partners, to coworkers, friends and acquaintances. They vary across many dimensions, including, for example, frequency of contact and emotional closeness. Social networks can be understood both in terms of the individuals and relationships that compose the network, as well as the overall network structure (eg, how many of your friends know each other).

Social networks show a tendency towards homophily, or a phenomenon of associating with individuals who are similar to self. 6 This is particularly true for ‘core’ network ties (eg, close friends), while more distant, sometimes called ‘weak’ ties tend to show more diversity. During the height of COVID-19 restrictions, face-to-face interactions were often reduced to core network members, such as partners, family members or, potentially, live-in roommates; some ‘weak’ ties were lost, and interactions became more limited to those closest. Given that peripheral, weaker social ties provide a diversity of resources, opinions and support, 7 COVID-19 likely resulted in networks that were smaller and more homogenous.

Such changes were not inevitable nor necessarily enduring, since social networks are also adaptive and responsive to change, in that a disruption to usual ways of interacting can be replaced by new ways of engaging (eg, Zoom). Yet, important inequalities exist, wherein networks and individual relationships within networks are not equally able to adapt to such changes. For example, individuals with a large number of newly established relationships (eg, university students) may have struggled to transfer these relationships online, resulting in lost contacts and a heightened risk of social isolation. This is consistent with research suggesting that young adults were the most likely to report a worsening of relationships during COVID-19, whereas older adults were the least likely to report a change. 8

Lastly, social connections give rise to emergent properties of social systems, 9 where a community-level phenomenon develops that cannot be attributed to any one member or portion of the network. For example, local area-based networks emerged due to geographic restrictions (eg, stay-at-home orders), resulting in increases in neighbourly support and local volunteering. 10 In fact, research suggests that relationships with neighbours displayed the largest net gain in ratings of relationship quality compared with a range of relationship types (eg, partner, colleague, friend). 8 Much of this was built from spontaneous individual interactions within local communities, which together contributed to the ‘community spirit’ that many experienced. 11 COVID-19 restrictions thus impacted the personal social networks and the structure of the larger networks within the society.

Social support

Social support, referring to the psychological and material resources provided through social interaction, is a critical mechanism through which social relationships benefit health. In fact, social support has been shown to be one of the most important resilience factors in the aftermath of stressful events. 12 In the context of COVID-19, the usual ways in which individuals interact and obtain social support have been severely disrupted.

One such disruption has been to opportunities for spontaneous social interactions. For example, conversations with colleagues in a break room offer an opportunity for socialising beyond one’s core social network, and these peripheral conversations can provide a form of social support. 13 14 A chance conversation may lead to advice helpful to coping with situations or seeking formal help. Thus, the absence of these spontaneous interactions may mean the reduction of indirect support-seeking opportunities. While direct support-seeking behaviour is more effective at eliciting support, it also requires significantly more effort and may be perceived as forceful and burdensome. 15 The shift to homeworking and closure of community venues reduced the number of opportunities for these spontaneous interactions to occur, and has, second, focused them locally. Consequently, individuals whose core networks are located elsewhere, or who live in communities where spontaneous interaction is less likely, have less opportunity to benefit from spontaneous in-person supportive interactions.

However, alongside this disruption, new opportunities to interact and obtain social support have arisen. The surge in community social support during the initial lockdown mirrored that often seen in response to adverse events (eg, natural disasters 16 ). COVID-19 restrictions that confined individuals to their local area also compelled them to focus their in-person efforts locally. Commentators on the initial lockdown in the UK remarked on extraordinary acts of generosity between individuals who belonged to the same community but were unknown to each other. However, research on adverse events also tells us that such community support is not necessarily maintained in the longer term. 16

Meanwhile, online forms of social support are not bound by geography, thus enabling interactions and social support to be received from a wider network of people. Formal online social support spaces (eg, support groups) existed well before COVID-19, but have vastly increased since. While online interactions can increase perceived social support, it is unclear whether remote communication technologies provide an effective substitute from in-person interaction during periods of social distancing. 17 18 It makes intuitive sense that the usefulness of online social support will vary by the type of support offered, degree of social interaction and ‘online communication skills’ of those taking part. Youth workers, for instance, have struggled to keep vulnerable youth engaged in online youth clubs, 19 despite others finding a positive association between amount of digital technology used by individuals during lockdown and perceived social support. 20 Other research has found that more frequent face-to-face contact and phone/video contact both related to lower levels of depression during the time period of March to August 2020, but the negative effect of a lack of contact was greater for those with higher levels of usual sociability. 21 Relatedly, important inequalities in social support exist, such that individuals who occupy more socially disadvantaged positions in society (eg, low socioeconomic status, older people) tend to have less access to social support, 22 potentially exacerbated by COVID-19.

Social and interactional norms

Interactional norms are key relational mechanisms which build trust, belonging and identity within and across groups in a system. Individuals in groups and societies apply meaning by ‘approving, arranging and redefining’ symbols of interaction. 23 A handshake, for instance, is a powerful symbol of trust and equality. Depending on context, not shaking hands may symbolise a failure to extend friendship, or a failure to reach agreement. The norms governing these symbols represent shared values and identity; and mutual understanding of these symbols enables individuals to achieve orderly interactions, establish supportive relationship accountability and connect socially. 24 25

Physical distancing measures to contain the spread of COVID-19 radically altered these norms of interaction, particularly those used to convey trust, affinity, empathy and respect (eg, hugging, physical comforting). 26 As epidemic waves rose and fell, the work to negotiate these norms required intense cognitive effort; previously taken-for-granted interactions were re-examined, factoring in current restriction levels, own and (assumed) others’ vulnerability and tolerance of risk. This created awkwardness, and uncertainty, for example, around how to bring closure to an in-person interaction or convey warmth. The instability in scripted ways of interacting created particular strain for individuals who already struggled to encode and decode interactions with others (eg, those who are deaf or have autism spectrum disorder); difficulties often intensified by mask wearing. 27

Large social gatherings—for example, weddings, school assemblies, sporting events—also present key opportunities for affirming and assimilating interactional norms, building cohesion and shared identity and facilitating cooperation across social groups. 28 Online ‘equivalents’ do not easily support ‘social-bonding’ activities such as singing and dancing, and rarely enable chance/spontaneous one-on-one conversations with peripheral/weaker network ties (see the Social networks section) which can help strengthen bonds across a larger network. The loss of large gatherings to celebrate rites of passage (eg, bar mitzvah, weddings) has additional relational costs since these events are performed by and for communities to reinforce belonging, and to assist in transitioning to new phases of life. 29 The loss of interaction with diverse others via community and large group gatherings also reduces intergroup contact, which may then tend towards more prejudiced outgroup attitudes. While online interaction can go some way to mimicking these interaction norms, there are key differences. A sense of anonymity, and lack of in-person emotional cues, tends to support norms of polarisation and aggression in expressing differences of opinion online. And while online platforms have potential to provide intergroup contact, the tendency of much social media to form homogeneous ‘echo chambers’ can serve to further reduce intergroup contact. 30 31

Intimacy relates to the feeling of emotional connection and closeness with other human beings. Emotional connection, through romantic, friendship or familial relationships, fulfils a basic human need 32 and strongly benefits health, including reduced stress levels, improved mental health, lowered blood pressure and reduced risk of heart disease. 32 33 Intimacy can be fostered through familiarity, feeling understood and feeling accepted by close others. 34

Intimacy via companionship and closeness is fundamental to mental well-being. Positively, the COVID-19 pandemic has offered opportunities for individuals to (re)connect and (re)strengthen close relationships within their household via quality time together, following closure of many usual external social activities. Research suggests that the first full UK lockdown period led to a net gain in the quality of steady relationships at a population level, 35 but amplified existing inequalities in relationship quality. 35 36 For some in single-person households, the absence of a companion became more conspicuous, leading to feelings of loneliness and lower mental well-being. 37 38 Additional pandemic-related relational strain 39 40 resulted, for some, in the initiation or intensification of domestic abuse. 41 42

Physical touch is another key aspect of intimacy, a fundamental human need crucial in maintaining and developing intimacy within close relationships. 34 Restrictions on social interactions severely restricted the number and range of people with whom physical affection was possible. The reduction in opportunity to give and receive affectionate physical touch was not experienced equally. Many of those living alone found themselves completely without physical contact for extended periods. The deprivation of physical touch is evidenced to take a heavy emotional toll. 43 Even in future, once physical expressions of affection can resume, new levels of anxiety over germs may introduce hesitancy into previously fluent blending of physical and verbal intimate social connections. 44

The pandemic also led to shifts in practices and norms around sexual relationship building and maintenance, as individuals adapted and sought alternative ways of enacting sexual intimacy. This too is important, given that intimate sexual activity has known benefits for health. 45 46 Given that social restrictions hinged on reducing household mixing, possibilities for partnered sexual activity were primarily guided by living arrangements. While those in cohabiting relationships could potentially continue as before, those who were single or in non-cohabiting relationships generally had restricted opportunities to maintain their sexual relationships. Pornography consumption and digital partners were reported to increase since lockdown. 47 However, online interactions are qualitatively different from in-person interactions and do not provide the same opportunities for physical intimacy.

Recommendations and conclusions

In the sections above we have outlined the ways in which COVID-19 has impacted social relationships, showing how relational mechanisms key to health have been undermined. While some of the damage might well self-repair after the pandemic, there are opportunities inherent in deliberative efforts to build back in ways that facilitate greater resilience in social and community relationships. We conclude by making three recommendations: one regarding public health responses to the pandemic; and two regarding social recovery.

Recommendation 1: explicitly count the relational cost of public health policies to control the pandemic

Effective handling of a pandemic recognises that social, economic and health concerns are intricately interwoven. It is clear that future research and policy attention must focus on the social consequences. As described above, policies which restrict physical mixing across households carry heavy and unequal relational costs. These include for individuals (eg, loss of intimate touch), dyads (eg, loss of warmth, comfort), networks (eg, restricted access to support) and communities (eg, loss of cohesion and identity). Such costs—and their unequal impact—should not be ignored in short-term efforts to control an epidemic. Some public health responses—restrictions on international holiday travel and highly efficient test and trace systems—have relatively small relational costs and should be prioritised. At a national level, an earlier move to proportionate restrictions, and investment in effective test and trace systems, may help prevent escalation of spread to the point where a national lockdown or tight restrictions became an inevitability. Where policies with relational costs are unavoidable, close attention should be paid to the unequal relational impact for those whose personal circumstances differ from normative assumptions of two adult families. This includes consideration of whether expectations are fair (eg, for those who live alone), whether restrictions on social events are equitable across age group, religious/ethnic groupings and social class, and also to ensure that the language promoted by such policies (eg, households; families) is not exclusionary. 48 49 Forethought to unequal impacts on social relationships should thus be integral to the work of epidemic preparedness teams.

Recommendation 2: intelligently balance online and offline ways of relating

A key ingredient for well-being is ‘getting together’ in a physical sense. This is fundamental to a human need for intimate touch, physical comfort, reinforcing interactional norms and providing practical support. Emerging evidence suggests that online ways of relating cannot simply replace physical interactions. But online interaction has many benefits and for some it offers connections that did not exist previously. In particular, online platforms provide new forms of support for those unable to access offline services because of mobility issues (eg, older people) or because they are geographically isolated from their support community (eg, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) youth). Ultimately, multiple forms of online and offline social interactions are required to meet the needs of varying groups of people (eg, LGBTQ, older people). Future research and practice should aim to establish ways of using offline and online support in complementary and even synergistic ways, rather than veering between them as social restrictions expand and contract. Intelligent balancing of online and offline ways of relating also pertains to future policies on home and flexible working. A decision to switch to wholesale or obligatory homeworking should consider the risk to relational ‘group properties’ of the workplace community and their impact on employees’ well-being, focusing in particular on unequal impacts (eg, new vs established employees). Intelligent blending of online and in-person working is required to achieve flexibility while also nurturing supportive networks at work. Intelligent balance also implies strategies to build digital literacy and minimise digital exclusion, as well as coproducing solutions with intended beneficiaries.

Recommendation 3: build stronger and sustainable localised communities

In balancing offline and online ways of interacting, there is opportunity to capitalise on the potential for more localised, coherent communities due to scaled-down travel, homeworking and local focus that will ideally continue after restrictions end. There are potential economic benefits after the pandemic, such as increased trade as home workers use local resources (eg, coffee shops), but also relational benefits from stronger relationships around the orbit of the home and neighbourhood. Experience from previous crises shows that community volunteer efforts generated early on will wane over time in the absence of deliberate work to maintain them. Adequately funded partnerships between local government, third sector and community groups are required to sustain community assets that began as a direct response to the pandemic. Such partnerships could work to secure green spaces and indoor (non-commercial) meeting spaces that promote community interaction. Green spaces in particular provide a triple benefit in encouraging physical activity and mental health, as well as facilitating social bonding. 50 In building local communities, small community networks—that allow for diversity and break down ingroup/outgroup views—may be more helpful than the concept of ‘support bubbles’, which are exclusionary and less sustainable in the longer term. Rigorously designed intervention and evaluation—taking a systems approach—will be crucial in ensuring scale-up and sustainability.

The dramatic change to social interaction necessitated by efforts to control the spread of COVID-19 created stark challenges but also opportunities. Our essay highlights opportunities for learning, both to ensure the equity and humanity of physical restrictions, and to sustain the salutogenic effects of social relationships going forward. The starting point for capitalising on this learning is recognition of the disruption to relational mechanisms as a key part of the socioeconomic and health impact of the pandemic. In recovery planning, a general rule is that what is good for decreasing health inequalities (such as expanding social protection and public services and pursuing green inclusive growth strategies) 4 will also benefit relationships and safeguard relational mechanisms for future generations. Putting this into action will require political will.

Ethics statements

Patient consent for publication.

Not required.

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Twitter @karenmaxSPHSU, @Mark_McCann, @Rwilsonlowe, @KMitchinGlasgow

Contributors EL and KM led on the manuscript conceptualisation, review and editing. SP, KM, CB, RBP, RL, MM, JR, KS and RW-L contributed to drafting and revising the article. All authors assisted in revising the final draft.

Funding The research reported in this publication was supported by the Medical Research Council (MC_UU_00022/1, MC_UU_00022/3) and the Chief Scientist Office (SPHSU11, SPHSU14). EL is also supported by MRC Skills Development Fellowship Award (MR/S015078/1). KS and MM are also supported by a Medical Research Council Strategic Award (MC_PC_13027).

Competing interests None declared.

Provenance and peer review Not commissioned; externally peer reviewed.

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Writing about COVID-19 in a college admission essay

by: Venkates Swaminathan | Updated: September 14, 2020

Print article

Writing about COVID-19 in your college admission essay

For students applying to college using the CommonApp, there are several different places where students and counselors can address the pandemic’s impact. The different sections have differing goals. You must understand how to use each section for its appropriate use.

The CommonApp COVID-19 question

First, the CommonApp this year has an additional question specifically about COVID-19 :

Community disruptions such as COVID-19 and natural disasters can have deep and long-lasting impacts. If you need it, this space is yours to describe those impacts. Colleges care about the effects on your health and well-being, safety, family circumstances, future plans, and education, including access to reliable technology and quiet study spaces. Please use this space to describe how these events have impacted you.

This question seeks to understand the adversity that students may have had to face due to the pandemic, the move to online education, or the shelter-in-place rules. You don’t have to answer this question if the impact on you wasn’t particularly severe. Some examples of things students should discuss include:

  • The student or a family member had COVID-19 or suffered other illnesses due to confinement during the pandemic.
  • The candidate had to deal with personal or family issues, such as abusive living situations or other safety concerns
  • The student suffered from a lack of internet access and other online learning challenges.
  • Students who dealt with problems registering for or taking standardized tests and AP exams.

Jeff Schiffman of the Tulane University admissions office has a blog about this section. He recommends students ask themselves several questions as they go about answering this section:

  • Are my experiences different from others’?
  • Are there noticeable changes on my transcript?
  • Am I aware of my privilege?
  • Am I specific? Am I explaining rather than complaining?
  • Is this information being included elsewhere on my application?

If you do answer this section, be brief and to-the-point.

Counselor recommendations and school profiles

Second, counselors will, in their counselor forms and school profiles on the CommonApp, address how the school handled the pandemic and how it might have affected students, specifically as it relates to:

  • Grading scales and policies
  • Graduation requirements
  • Instructional methods
  • Schedules and course offerings
  • Testing requirements
  • Your academic calendar
  • Other extenuating circumstances

Students don’t have to mention these matters in their application unless something unusual happened.

Writing about COVID-19 in your main essay

Write about your experiences during the pandemic in your main college essay if your experience is personal, relevant, and the most important thing to discuss in your college admission essay. That you had to stay home and study online isn’t sufficient, as millions of other students faced the same situation. But sometimes, it can be appropriate and helpful to write about something related to the pandemic in your essay. For example:

  • One student developed a website for a local comic book store. The store might not have survived without the ability for people to order comic books online. The student had a long-standing relationship with the store, and it was an institution that created a community for students who otherwise felt left out.
  • One student started a YouTube channel to help other students with academic subjects he was very familiar with and began tutoring others.
  • Some students used their extra time that was the result of the stay-at-home orders to take online courses pursuing topics they are genuinely interested in or developing new interests, like a foreign language or music.

Experiences like this can be good topics for the CommonApp essay as long as they reflect something genuinely important about the student. For many students whose lives have been shaped by this pandemic, it can be a critical part of their college application.

Want more? Read 6 ways to improve a college essay , What the &%$! should I write about in my college essay , and Just how important is a college admissions essay? .

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Read these 12 moving essays about life during coronavirus

Artists, novelists, critics, and essayists are writing the first draft of history.

by Alissa Wilkinson

A woman wearing a face mask in Miami.

The world is grappling with an invisible, deadly enemy, trying to understand how to live with the threat posed by a virus . For some writers, the only way forward is to put pen to paper, trying to conceptualize and document what it feels like to continue living as countries are under lockdown and regular life seems to have ground to a halt.

So as the coronavirus pandemic has stretched around the world, it’s sparked a crop of diary entries and essays that describe how life has changed. Novelists, critics, artists, and journalists have put words to the feelings many are experiencing. The result is a first draft of how we’ll someday remember this time, filled with uncertainty and pain and fear as well as small moments of hope and humanity.

  • The Vox guide to navigating the coronavirus crisis

At the New York Review of Books, Ali Bhutto writes that in Karachi, Pakistan, the government-imposed curfew due to the virus is “eerily reminiscent of past military clampdowns”:

Beneath the quiet calm lies a sense that society has been unhinged and that the usual rules no longer apply. Small groups of pedestrians look on from the shadows, like an audience watching a spectacle slowly unfolding. People pause on street corners and in the shade of trees, under the watchful gaze of the paramilitary forces and the police.

His essay concludes with the sobering note that “in the minds of many, Covid-19 is just another life-threatening hazard in a city that stumbles from one crisis to another.”

Writing from Chattanooga, novelist Jamie Quatro documents the mixed ways her neighbors have been responding to the threat, and the frustration of conflicting direction, or no direction at all, from local, state, and federal leaders:

Whiplash, trying to keep up with who’s ordering what. We’re already experiencing enough chaos without this back-and-forth. Why didn’t the federal government issue a nationwide shelter-in-place at the get-go, the way other countries did? What happens when one state’s shelter-in-place ends, while others continue? Do states still under quarantine close their borders? We are still one nation, not fifty individual countries. Right?
  • A syllabus for the end of the world

Award-winning photojournalist Alessio Mamo, quarantined with his partner Marta in Sicily after she tested positive for the virus, accompanies his photographs in the Guardian of their confinement with a reflection on being confined :

The doctors asked me to take a second test, but again I tested negative. Perhaps I’m immune? The days dragged on in my apartment, in black and white, like my photos. Sometimes we tried to smile, imagining that I was asymptomatic, because I was the virus. Our smiles seemed to bring good news. My mother left hospital, but I won’t be able to see her for weeks. Marta started breathing well again, and so did I. I would have liked to photograph my country in the midst of this emergency, the battles that the doctors wage on the frontline, the hospitals pushed to their limits, Italy on its knees fighting an invisible enemy. That enemy, a day in March, knocked on my door instead.

In the New York Times Magazine, deputy editor Jessica Lustig writes with devastating clarity about her family’s life in Brooklyn while her husband battled the virus, weeks before most people began taking the threat seriously:

At the door of the clinic, we stand looking out at two older women chatting outside the doorway, oblivious. Do I wave them away? Call out that they should get far away, go home, wash their hands, stay inside? Instead we just stand there, awkwardly, until they move on. Only then do we step outside to begin the long three-block walk home. I point out the early magnolia, the forsythia. T says he is cold. The untrimmed hairs on his neck, under his beard, are white. The few people walking past us on the sidewalk don’t know that we are visitors from the future. A vision, a premonition, a walking visitation. This will be them: Either T, in the mask, or — if they’re lucky — me, tending to him.

Essayist Leslie Jamison writes in the New York Review of Books about being shut away alone in her New York City apartment with her 2-year-old daughter since she became sick:

The virus. Its sinewy, intimate name. What does it feel like in my body today? Shivering under blankets. A hot itch behind the eyes. Three sweatshirts in the middle of the day. My daughter trying to pull another blanket over my body with her tiny arms. An ache in the muscles that somehow makes it hard to lie still. This loss of taste has become a kind of sensory quarantine. It’s as if the quarantine keeps inching closer and closer to my insides. First I lost the touch of other bodies; then I lost the air; now I’ve lost the taste of bananas. Nothing about any of these losses is particularly unique. I’ve made a schedule so I won’t go insane with the toddler. Five days ago, I wrote Walk/Adventure! on it, next to a cut-out illustration of a tiger—as if we’d see tigers on our walks. It was good to keep possibility alive.

At Literary Hub, novelist Heidi Pitlor writes about the elastic nature of time during her family’s quarantine in Massachusetts:

During a shutdown, the things that mark our days—commuting to work, sending our kids to school, having a drink with friends—vanish and time takes on a flat, seamless quality. Without some self-imposed structure, it’s easy to feel a little untethered. A friend recently posted on Facebook: “For those who have lost track, today is Blursday the fortyteenth of Maprilay.” ... Giving shape to time is especially important now, when the future is so shapeless. We do not know whether the virus will continue to rage for weeks or months or, lord help us, on and off for years. We do not know when we will feel safe again. And so many of us, minus those who are gifted at compartmentalization or denial, remain largely captive to fear. We may stay this way if we do not create at least the illusion of movement in our lives, our long days spent with ourselves or partners or families.
  • What day is it today?

Novelist Lauren Groff writes at the New York Review of Books about trying to escape the prison of her fears while sequestered at home in Gainesville, Florida:

Some people have imaginations sparked only by what they can see; I blame this blinkered empiricism for the parks overwhelmed with people, the bars, until a few nights ago, thickly thronged. My imagination is the opposite. I fear everything invisible to me. From the enclosure of my house, I am afraid of the suffering that isn’t present before me, the people running out of money and food or drowning in the fluid in their lungs, the deaths of health-care workers now growing ill while performing their duties. I fear the federal government, which the right wing has so—intentionally—weakened that not only is it insufficient to help its people, it is actively standing in help’s way. I fear we won’t sufficiently punish the right. I fear leaving the house and spreading the disease. I fear what this time of fear is doing to my children, their imaginations, and their souls.

At ArtForum , Berlin-based critic and writer Kristian Vistrup Madsen reflects on martinis, melancholia, and Finnish artist Jaakko Pallasvuo’s 2018 graphic novel Retreat , in which three young people exile themselves in the woods:

In melancholia, the shape of what is ending, and its temporality, is sprawling and incomprehensible. The ambivalence makes it hard to bear. The world of Retreat is rendered in lush pink and purple watercolors, which dissolve into wild and messy abstractions. In apocalypse, the divisions established in genesis bleed back out. My own Corona-retreat is similarly soft, color-field like, each day a blurred succession of quarantinis, YouTube–yoga, and televized press conferences. As restrictions mount, so does abstraction. For now, I’m still rooting for love to save the world.

At the Paris Review , Matt Levin writes about reading Virginia Woolf’s novel The Waves during quarantine:

A retreat, a quarantine, a sickness—they simultaneously distort and clarify, curtail and expand. It is an ideal state in which to read literature with a reputation for difficulty and inaccessibility, those hermetic books shorn of the handholds of conventional plot or characterization or description. A novel like Virginia Woolf’s The Waves is perfect for the state of interiority induced by quarantine—a story of three men and three women, meeting after the death of a mutual friend, told entirely in the overlapping internal monologues of the six, interspersed only with sections of pure, achingly beautiful descriptions of the natural world, a day’s procession and recession of light and waves. The novel is, in my mind’s eye, a perfectly spherical object. It is translucent and shimmering and infinitely fragile, prone to shatter at the slightest disturbance. It is not a book that can be read in snatches on the subway—it demands total absorption. Though it revels in a stark emotional nakedness, the book remains aloof, remote in its own deep self-absorption.
  • Vox is starting a book club. Come read with us!

In an essay for the Financial Times, novelist Arundhati Roy writes with anger about Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s anemic response to the threat, but also offers a glimmer of hope for the future:

Historically, pandemics have forced humans to break with the past and imagine their world anew. This one is no different. It is a portal, a gateway between one world and the next. We can choose to walk through it, dragging the carcasses of our prejudice and hatred, our avarice, our data banks and dead ideas, our dead rivers and smoky skies behind us. Or we can walk through lightly, with little luggage, ready to imagine another world. And ready to fight for it.

From Boston, Nora Caplan-Bricker writes in The Point about the strange contraction of space under quarantine, in which a friend in Beirut is as close as the one around the corner in the same city:

It’s a nice illusion—nice to feel like we’re in it together, even if my real world has shrunk to one person, my husband, who sits with his laptop in the other room. It’s nice in the same way as reading those essays that reframe social distancing as solidarity. “We must begin to see the negative space as clearly as the positive, to know what we don’t do is also brilliant and full of love,” the poet Anne Boyer wrote on March 10th, the day that Massachusetts declared a state of emergency. If you squint, you could almost make sense of this quarantine as an effort to flatten, along with the curve, the distinctions we make between our bonds with others. Right now, I care for my neighbor in the same way I demonstrate love for my mother: in all instances, I stay away. And in moments this month, I have loved strangers with an intensity that is new to me. On March 14th, the Saturday night after the end of life as we knew it, I went out with my dog and found the street silent: no lines for restaurants, no children on bicycles, no couples strolling with little cups of ice cream. It had taken the combined will of thousands of people to deliver such a sudden and complete emptiness. I felt so grateful, and so bereft.

And on his own website, musician and artist David Byrne writes about rediscovering the value of working for collective good , saying that “what is happening now is an opportunity to learn how to change our behavior”:

In emergencies, citizens can suddenly cooperate and collaborate. Change can happen. We’re going to need to work together as the effects of climate change ramp up. In order for capitalism to survive in any form, we will have to be a little more socialist. Here is an opportunity for us to see things differently — to see that we really are all connected — and adjust our behavior accordingly. Are we willing to do this? Is this moment an opportunity to see how truly interdependent we all are? To live in a world that is different and better than the one we live in now? We might be too far down the road to test every asymptomatic person, but a change in our mindsets, in how we view our neighbors, could lay the groundwork for the collective action we’ll need to deal with other global crises. The time to see how connected we all are is now.

The portrait these writers paint of a world under quarantine is multifaceted. Our worlds have contracted to the confines of our homes, and yet in some ways we’re more connected than ever to one another. We feel fear and boredom, anger and gratitude, frustration and strange peace. Uncertainty drives us to find metaphors and images that will let us wrap our minds around what is happening.

Yet there’s no single “what” that is happening. Everyone is contending with the pandemic and its effects from different places and in different ways. Reading others’ experiences — even the most frightening ones — can help alleviate the loneliness and dread, a little, and remind us that what we’re going through is both unique and shared by all.

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How to Write About the Impact of the Coronavirus in a College Essay

The global impact of COVID-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus, means colleges and prospective students alike are in for an admissions cycle like no other. Both face unprecedented challenges and questions as they grapple with their respective futures amid the ongoing fallout of the pandemic.

Colleges must examine applicants without the aid of standardized test scores for many -- a factor that prompted many schools to go test-optional for now . Even grades, a significant component of a college application, may be hard to interpret with some high schools adopting pass-fail classes last spring due to the pandemic. Major college admissions factors are suddenly skewed.

"I can't help but think other (admissions) factors are going to matter more," says Ethan Sawyer, founder of the College Essay Guy, a website that offers free and paid essay-writing resources.

College essays and letters of recommendation , Sawyer says, are likely to carry more weight than ever in this admissions cycle. And many essays will likely focus on how the pandemic shaped students' lives throughout an often tumultuous 2020.

[ Read: How to Write a College Essay. ]

But before writing a college essay focused on the coronavirus, students should explore whether it's the best topic for them.

Writing About COVID-19 for a College Application

Much of daily life has been colored by the coronavirus. Virtual learning is the norm at many colleges and high schools, many extracurriculars have vanished and social lives have stalled for students complying with measures to stop the spread of COVID-19.

"For some young people, the pandemic took away what they envisioned as their senior year," says Robert Alexander, dean of admissions, financial aid and enrollment management at the University of Rochester in New York. "Maybe that's a spot on a varsity athletic team or the lead role in the fall play. And it's OK for them to mourn what should have been and what they feel like they lost, but more important is how are they making the most of the opportunities they do have?"

That question, Alexander says, is what colleges want answered if students choose to address COVID-19 in their college essay.

But the question of whether a student should write about the coronavirus is tricky. The answer depends largely on the student.

"In general, I don't think students should write about COVID-19 in their main personal statement for their application," Robin Miller, master college admissions counselor at IvyWise, a college counseling company, wrote in an email.

"Certainly, there may be exceptions to this based on a student's individual experience, but since the personal essay is the main place in the application where the student can really allow their voice to be heard and share insight into who they are as an individual, there are likely many other topics they can choose to write about that are more distinctive and unique than COVID-19," Miller says.

[ Read: What Colleges Look for: 6 Ways to Stand Out. ]

Opinions among admissions experts vary on whether to write about the likely popular topic of the pandemic.

"If your essay communicates something positive, unique, and compelling about you in an interesting and eloquent way, go for it," Carolyn Pippen, principal college admissions counselor at IvyWise, wrote in an email. She adds that students shouldn't be dissuaded from writing about a topic merely because it's common, noting that "topics are bound to repeat, no matter how hard we try to avoid it."

Above all, she urges honesty.

"If your experience within the context of the pandemic has been truly unique, then write about that experience, and the standing out will take care of itself," Pippen says. "If your experience has been generally the same as most other students in your context, then trying to find a unique angle can easily cross the line into exploiting a tragedy, or at least appearing as though you have."

But focusing entirely on the pandemic can limit a student to a single story and narrow who they are in an application, Sawyer says. "There are so many wonderful possibilities for what you can say about yourself outside of your experience within the pandemic."

He notes that passions, strengths, career interests and personal identity are among the multitude of essay topic options available to applicants and encourages them to probe their values to help determine the topic that matters most to them -- and write about it.

That doesn't mean the pandemic experience has to be ignored if applicants feel the need to write about it.

Writing About Coronavirus in Main and Supplemental Essays

Students can choose to write a full-length college essay on the coronavirus or summarize their experience in a shorter form.

To help students explain how the pandemic affected them, The Common App has added an optional section to address this topic. Applicants have 250 words to describe their pandemic experience and the personal and academic impact of COVID-19.

[ Read: The Common App: Everything You Need to Know. ]

"That's not a trick question, and there's no right or wrong answer," Alexander says. Colleges want to know, he adds, how students navigated the pandemic, how they prioritized their time, what responsibilities they took on and what they learned along the way.

If students can distill all of the above information into 250 words, there's likely no need to write about it in a full-length college essay, experts say. And applicants whose lives were not heavily altered by the pandemic may even choose to skip the optional COVID-19 question.

"This space is best used to discuss hardship and/or significant challenges that the student and/or the student's family experienced as a result of COVID-19 and how they have responded to those difficulties," Miller notes. Using the section to acknowledge a lack of impact, she adds, "could be perceived as trite and lacking insight, despite the good intentions of the applicant."

To guard against this lack of awareness, Sawyer encourages students to tap someone they trust to review their writing , whether it's the 250-word Common App response or the full-length essay.

Experts tend to agree that the short-form approach to this as an essay topic works better, but there are exceptions. And if a student does have a coronavirus story that he or she feels must be told, Alexander encourages the writer to be authentic in the essay.

"My advice for an essay about COVID-19 is the same as my advice about an essay for any topic -- and that is, don't write what you think we want to read or hear," Alexander says. "Write what really changed you and that story that now is yours and yours alone to tell."

Sawyer urges students to ask themselves, "What's the sentence that only I can write?" He also encourages students to remember that the pandemic is only a chapter of their lives and not the whole book.

Miller, who cautions against writing a full-length essay on the coronavirus, says that if students choose to do so they should have a conversation with their high school counselor about whether that's the right move. And if students choose to proceed with COVID-19 as a topic, she says they need to be clear, detailed and insightful about what they learned and how they adapted along the way.

"Approaching the essay in this manner will provide important balance while demonstrating personal growth and vulnerability," Miller says.

Pippen encourages students to remember that they are in an unprecedented time for college admissions.

"It is important to keep in mind with all of these (admission) factors that no colleges have ever had to consider them this way in the selection process, if at all," Pippen says. "They have had very little time to calibrate their evaluations of different application components within their offices, let alone across institutions. This means that colleges will all be handling the admissions process a little bit differently, and their approaches may even evolve over the course of the admissions cycle."

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Journal of Family Nursing

The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Paternal Parenting Experience: A Scoping Review

Research question, declaration of conflicting interests, appendix 1: search strategy, biographies, cite article, share options, information, rights and permissions, metrics and citations, figures and tables, type of sources, search strategy, study selection, data extraction and synthesis.

write an essay on impact of covid 19 on family

Characteristics of Included Studies

Author (Year)Country of studyMethodologyObjectivePopulation (sample size)Inclusion criteriaAuthors’ conclusions
PortugalQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo analyze parental burnout levels, comparing levels of burnout reported by mothers and fathers before lockdown to levels reported by a second group during lockdown.Mothers and fathers ( = 995)
315 (31.7%) fathers
680 (68.3%) mothers
Portuguese fathers and mothers, living with at least one child under the age 18 years.Although parental burnout levels remain higher for mothers across the two waves, the growth in burnout was greater for fathers than for mothers.
IranQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine the actor-partner interdependence effect of fear of COVID-19 among Iranian pregnant women and their husbands and its association with their mental health and preventive behaviors during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020.Mothers and fathers ( = 580)
290 (50%) fathers
290 (50%) mothers
Mothers and fathers were at least 18 years old, able to speak and understand Persian, and enrolled in the Integrated Health System.The findings demonstrated significant dyadic relationships between husbands and their pregnant wives’ fear of COVID-19 and mental health.
UgandaQualitative—EthnographyTo explore the experiences of Ugandan men who became unable to provide under the national lockdown.Mothers and fathers ( = 14)
9 (64.3%) fathers
5 (35.7%) mothers.
Based on prior relationships established by the first author.Men being at home progressively shifted from an unwanted obligation to a welcomed responsibility. Men explored different ways of validating themselves in the crisis.
MultipleQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine the extent to which co-parenting has a mitigating effect on the association between state-imposed lockdown measures and parental burnout levels, and how this effect might be different between men and women.Mothers and fathers
( = 4,587)
1,183 (25.8%) fathers
3,404 (74.2%) mothers
Two-parent families who had at least one child still living at home, regardless of age.The relationship between COVID-19 lockdown measures and levels of parental burnout was not significantly affected by co-parenting.
IsraelQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo explore the level of COVID-19-related anxieties and parenting stress of Israeli parents in their first year of parenthood.Mothers and fathers
( = 606)
137 (22.6%) fathers
469 (77.4%) mothers
First-time parents of infants aged 3–12 months and could complete questionnaires in Hebrew.Mothers reported higher levels of anxiety than fathers for all aspects of the pandemic except for economic damage, whereas fathers reported higher levels of two dimensions of parenting stress: dysfunctional interaction with the infant and perception of the infant as difficult.
United StatesQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo provide a descriptive overview of how parents’ time in, and division of, domestic labor has changed since the beginning of the pandemic.Mothers and fathers
( = 1,025)
523 (51%) fathers
502 (49%) mothers
Parents in the United States who resided with a partner and a biological child. Excluded respondents who identified as a gender other than male/female and who reported being in a same-sex relationship.Mothers and fathers disagreed substantially on the degree of equality achieved. Fathers report sharing housework and childcare equally in most families, while mothers report retaining responsibility for domestic labor in the vast majority of families despite increases in fathers’ domestic contributions.
ItalyQuantitative—Cross-sectional case-controlTo gather data on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for father–child bonding and the mental health of Italian same-sex fathers who were having or had a child through cross-border surrogacy during March–July 2020, when US and Canadian borders were closed and/or the process of obtaining the child’s birth certificate and passport took much longer.Same-sex partners (all fathers; = 80)Fathers that self-identified as both cisgender and gay; resided in Italy at the time of the COVID-19 pandemic; and were having or had a child through cross-border surrogacy in a planned gay father family between March and July 2020.The findings call for the development of international guidelines for cross-border surrogacy and underline the need for tailored and ongoing psychological and legal support for intended gay fathers to ease their strain and anxiety related to having a child through cross-border surrogacy during the COVID-19 pandemic.
CanadaMixed method—Thematic analysis, cohortTo identify how health behaviors, level of stress, financial and food security have been impacted by the pandemic among Canadian families with young children.Mothers and fathers ( = 361)
126 (35%) fathers
235 (65%) mothers
Families had at least one child between 18 months and 5 years of age at the time of registration for the study, lived within the Guelph-Wellington area in Ontario, Canada and English-speaking.Key factors influencing family stress include balancing work with childcare/homeschooling and financial instability. While some unhealthful behaviors appeared to have been exacerbated, other more healthful behaviors also emerged since COVID-19.
United KingdomQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine the role flexible working has for gender equality during the pandemic.Mothers and fathers ( = 1,384)
692 (50%) fathers
692 (50%) mothers
Heterosexual cohabitating parents of children under 18 years, where both partners were working before the COVID-19 pandemic.The sharp rise in number of workers working from home, especially that of fathers, may have enabled a more equitable distribution of unpaid work among heterosexual dual-earning couples.
United StatesQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine how Black American fathers’ COVID-19 perceived work risk was associated with their individual well-being, COVID-19 diagnosis, depressive and anxiety symptoms, sleep disturbance, sleep quality, as well as spill-over into family contexts.Fathers only ( = 466)Unemployed and retired participants were excluded.Black fathers working in higher risk contexts may be at risk for COVID-19 exposure and infection. This study indicates that these effects extend to their own well-being, including mental and sleep health as well as increased family stress.
AustraliaMixed methodFocuses on how lesbian, gay, and bisexual mothers and fathers in couples and single mothers subjectively experienced unpaid work and care during lockdown compared with heterosexual mothers and fathers in couples, and with partnered mothers.Mothers, fathers and same-sex partners ( = 2,722)
Number and percentage of mothers and fathers not reported separately.
Not reported.During the pandemic, non-heterosexual fathers’ subjective reports were less negative than those of their heterosexual counterparts.
AustraliaQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo determine how COVID-19 affected paid work, domestic work, and care in Australian households; also investigated how gender differences in objective time spent on these activities, and in subjective feelings about it, changed due to the pandemic.Mothers and fathers ( = 1,536)
Number and percentage of mothers and fathers not reported separately.
Employed, partnered men and women with children under the age of 17.More fathers reported high levels of subjective time stress, unfairness, and dissatisfaction with actively juggling (too much) paid work and unpaid domestic labor and care. Compared to before COVID-19, the increases in childcare (though not housework/ household management) were proportionally higher for fathers.
CanadaQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine the impacts of COVID-19 mandated homeschooling on work–family conflict and alcohol use in romantic couples and their possible moderation by gender.Mothers, fathers, and same-sex partners ( = 1,516)
711 heterosexual couples (mothers/fathers)
92 same-sex couples (gender not specified)
Involved in romantic relationship of at least 3 months with a partner also willing and available to participate. Both partners had to be at least 19 years old, living in Canada, cohabiting together during April 2020, and following COVID-19-related stay-at-home advisories in their jurisdiction during April 2020. Essential workers excluded.Gender differences found in FIW (family interferes with work) but not WIF (work interferes with family) conflicts.
South AfricaMixed method—Thematic analysis, cross-sectionalTo explore and describe the birth and new parenting experiences in South Africa during the COVID-19 pandemic, the impact of COVID-19 and the lockdown on these experiences, and the association between birth experiences and postpartum depressive symptoms.Mothers and fathers ( = 520)
24 (4.6%) fathers
296 (95.4%) mothers
Aged 18 years or older, living in South Africa at the time of the baby’s birth and had a baby born between January 1, 2020, until October 10, 2020.Lockdown exacerbated many birth and parenting challenges including mental health and health care access.
ItalyQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo investigate psychological adjustment to COVID-19 restrictions in Italian families considering parental stress, co-parenting, and child externalizing behaviors, in order to capture the process of family adjustment during home confinement at different levels.Mothers and fathers ( = 602)
76 (12.6%) fathers
526 (87.4%) mothers
Parents older than 18 years with at least one child between 3 and 17 years old, without physical or intellectual disabilities as well as neurotypical development.Mothers reported higher levels of parental stress than fathers both prior and during the lockdown. No significant differences before and during the lockdown on quality of co-parenting in both mothers and fathers.
United StatesMixed method—Thematic analysis using content analysis, cross-sectionalTo examine adoptive parents’ worries and concerns, work–family arrangements, and mental, physical, and relational health in the context of the pandemic and associated quarantine.Mothers, fathers, and same-sex partners ( = 89)
26 partnered (6 unpartnered) lesbian respondents, 21 partnered (0 unpartnered) gay male respondents, and 32 partnered (3 unpartnered) heterosexual respondents. 1 participant did not provide data on relationship status.
Parents were required to be adopting their first child, and both parents needed to be becoming parents for the first time. Only one parent per couple was encouraged to participate.Parenting during a pandemic places undue burdens on parents, particularly on those working from home with limited help, highlighting parenting, relationships, and personal challenges due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
AustraliaQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine the impact of working at home on general health, pain, stress, and work–family and family–work conflict, and differences based on gender and parental responsibilities.Mothers and fathers ( = 219)
64 (9.7%) fathers
155 (23.6%) mothers
Aged 18 years or more, working from home at least 2 days per week during the period following the declaration of the COVID-19 pandemic in Australia, and currently living in Victoria, Australia.Satisfaction with the division of household tasks appears to play a substantial role in alleviating stress, and work–family and family–work conflict suggesting the way in which household tasks are divided can either negatively or positively impact physical and mental health.
IndiaQualitative—Thematic analysisTo examine the experiences of men and women (parents) in sharing household responsibilities and its impact on their careers during the lockdown imposed due to the COVID-19 pandemicMothers and fathers ( = 40)
20 (50%) fathers
20 (50%) mothers
Not reported.Fathers and mothers mostly concurred that they were overworked and overburdened during the lockdown. Mothers were overburdened due to household chores, child-rearing, and home-schooling duties; and fathers due to “work from home” with poor Internet and phone facilities.
GermanyQuantitative—Cross sectional, longitudinalTo explore the social and economic implications of the pandemic for gender inequality in Germany, by examining changes in paid and unpaid work and in subjective well-being in response to the nationwide lockdown.Mothers and fathers ( = 2,269)
Number and percentage of mothers and fathers not reported separately.
Respondents aged 25 to 54 who participated in all three survey waves; in this review, only reported on parent data.Analyses suggest an increase rather than a reduction in gender inequalities in Germany during the pandemic. Despite slight changes in how parents divided the additional childcare, mothers still did considerably more unpaid work during the lockdown than fathers.
United KingdomQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo explore the effects of the COVID-19 crisis and the associated restrictions to economic activity on paid and unpaid work for men and women in the United Kingdom.Mothers and fathers ( = 3,384)
Number and percentage of mothers and fathers not reported separately.
Individuals aged 16–64 who participated in at least one of the COVID-19 waves and who had previously participated in Understanding Society longitudinal study wave nine. Restricted to those who report being employed as of January 2020. For the analysis of childcare, individuals with children aged 15 and younger across the two waves of the COVID-19 study.Within the household, women provided on average a larger share of increased childcare needs, but in an important share of household’s fathers became the primary childcare providers.
United StatesQualitative—Grounded theoryTo examine the differences between work and caregiving responsibilities of custodial single fathers prior to and during the COVID-19 pandemic.Fathers only ( = 30)Single, custodial fathers with a full-time job.Fathers in the low-wage labor market experienced a significant intensification of work–family conflict and deterioration of mental health and emotional well-being.
United StatesQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo describe parenting experiences at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic and examines differences across parent gender and family income level.Mothers and fathers ( = 1,009)
109 (11%) fathers
896 (89%) mothers
Participants who identified as men or women were included. Must have been parents with a child under 13 years of age.Parents reported high levels of anxiety and depression symptoms, and a majority reported at least one symptom of parental burnout.
GermanyQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo identify the effect of the COVID-19 crisis on fathers’ time spent on childcare tasks, examining difference between 2019 and period of first lockdown in Spring 2020.Mothers and fathers ( = 925)
322 (35%) fathers
603 (65%) mothers
Households with a valid phone number, women and men aged 20–59 at the time of the first interview, and a child between 0 and 11 at the time of first interview in 2019. Excluded if no valid phone, single parents, childless couples, or divorced since the first interview.Both parents reported spending more time with their children during the crisis than they did in the previous year. Although the absolute increase was a bit larger for the mothers, fathers spent, on average, 2.5 more hours per day with their children.
NetherlandsQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine whether and how changes in parental stress of mothers and fathers from the Pre-COVID-19 period into the height of the first lockdown in the Netherlands were linked to changes in coercive parenting of mothers and fathers and to changes in co-parenting quality.Mothers and fathers ( = 208)
104 fathers (50%)
104 (50%) mothers
Having a 3-year-old child, being a residential family in which one or more children were raised by a mother and a father, and having a Dutch native background (mother and father of both parents were born in the Netherlands).Changes in parental stress may affect changes in co-parenting quality, indicating the importance of a family systems perspective in prevention and intervention programs.
MalaysiaQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine the effect of lockdown order on parental burnout, parental neglect, and parental violence.Mothers and fathers ( = 158)
38 (24.1%) fathers
120 (75.9%) mothers
Mothers or fathers in Malaysia that had (at least) one child still living at home.The level of parental burnout during lockdown in Malaysia was between average and high, but there was no difference between mothers and fathers.
ItalyQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine the prevalence of parenting-related exhaustion—and to identify its risk and protective factors—4 weeks into the COVID-19 lockdown.Mothers and fathers ( = 1,226)
131 (11%) fathers
1,095 (89%) mothers
18 years of age or older, the parent to at least one child aged 0–13 years who was living with them during the lockdown.Mothers showed significantly higher psychological distress and more parenting-related exhaustion than fathers.
IranQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo investigate the effect of home quarantine on psychological well-being and marital and parental outcomes in families living in Iran.Mothers and fathers ( = 213)
73 (34.3%) fathers
140 (65.7%) mothers
All married fathers and mothers living in cities of Iran who have at least one child who needs care at home (without age limit), are literate, and have consented to participate in the study.Fathers had higher scores in martial satisfaction and psychological well-being and lower parental burnout than mothers.
United StatesQualitative—Descriptive, content analysis using participatory action researchTo examine how young Hispanic fathers are coping with the effects of COVID-19 pandemic.Fathers only ( = 7)Hispanic fathers who were part of a community-based fatherhood program.The stress from the uncertainty of the pandemic and its potential threat to their livelihood resulted in a persistent state of worry among the participants.
AustraliaQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo identify traditional gender roles for U.S. and Australian parents and the effect of COVID on well-being during the first few months of the pandemic.Mothers and fathers ( = 1,375)
672 (48.9%) fathers
703 (51.1%) mothers
Parents with childcare responsibilities.The pandemic took different tolls on mothers and fathers in Australia and the United States. U.S. parents’ time spent in paid work, housework, and childcare served to reinforce hegemonic masculinity, while Australian parents reshuffled gender roles.
United StatesQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine concurrent patterns of parents’ experience from a national sample during the early months of the U.S. COVID-19 pandemic.Mothers and fathers ( = 420)
218 (52%) fathers
202 (48%) mothers
Adults 18 years or older, living in the United States who speak English, and were caring for a child under the age of 18 years old in their home.Fathers report higher rates of burden overall than mothers.
United StatesQuantitative—Cross sectional, longitudinalTo explore the associations between resilience, mental health and stress indicators, and parenting outcomes (caregiver burden and parent–child relationship qualities) over a 30-day period during the COVID-19 pandemic.Mothers and fathers ( = 271)
147 (54.2%) fathers
124 (45.8%) mothers
Individuals who were 18 years or older, living in the United States, who speak English and were caring for a child under 18 years old in their home were eligible to participate.Fathers’ depression symptoms and associated spill-over to perceived child stress produced stronger effects on their parenting experiences than effects reported by mothers.
CanadaQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine the perceived changes in the division of household labor in the months immediately following the beginning of the pandemic in Canada.Mothers and fathers ( = 1,234)
613 (49.7%) fathers
621 (50.3%) mothers
Canadian parents, in a residential romantic relationship, 18 or older, have at least one residential child under the age of 18, English or French language proficiency, and have the ability to access an online survey.There were small shifts toward a more equal division of labor in the early “lockdown” months, with increased participation in housework and childcare by fathers.
ChinaQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo investigate the prevalence of paternal perinatal depression among the fathers exposed to the COVID-19 pandemic and to determine relevant risk factors.Fathers only ( = 1,187)Men with hospitalized partners at >28 weeks gestational age or within 7 days after delivery.Declining risk of postpartum depression observed over the early period of the COVID-19 pandemic.
IsraelQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo examine parental distress and apprehension about raising an infant during the COVID-19 pandemic among new parents, comparing mothers and fathers and exploring the role of personal resources.Mothers and fathers ( = 606)
137 (22.6%) fathers
469 (77.4%) mothers
First-time parents of babies up to 1 year old had to read Hebrew.New parents may experience parental distress and concerns about raising a child during the crisis, but there were no significant differences between mothers and fathers.
IsraelQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo compare the parenting stress of new parents during the COVID-19 pandemic with the level of stress reported in the previous year, relating to both mothers and fathers.Mothers and fathers ( = 1,591)
422 (26.5%) fathers
1,169 (73.5%) mothers
First-time Israeli parents of infants 3–12 months old and could complete questionnaires in Hebrew.The findings highlight the vulnerability of new parents of young infants to parenting stress during the crisis, and the special attention which should be paid to fathers.
New ZealandQuantitative—Cross sectional, longitudinalTo examine the presence and implications of gender differences in the division of labor during COVID-19 lockdowns.Mothers and fathers ( = 314)
157 (50%) fathers
157 (50%) mothers
Couples who had been cohabiting for at least 1 year, spoke fluent English, and who had a child between 4 and 5 years old who had not been formally diagnosed with a social or cognitive impairment.Women who were unfairly doing a greater share of housework and parenting, and having less personal time, experienced residual increases in relationship problems and residual decreases in satisfaction.
( )SwedenQualitative—EthnographyTo explore fathering practices among Syrian refugee families in Sweden.Fathers only ( = 3)Being a cohabiting partner with at least one child in the age group 3–18 who had lived in Sweden for at least 3 years.Provided insight into how fathering and family are shaped in the interaction between family members.
United KingdomQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo describe gender divisions of unpaid care work during the height of the COVID-19 lockdown in the United Kingdom and its associations with psychological distress.Mothers and fathers ( = 3,282)
1,641 (50%) fathers
1,641 (50%) mothers
Working, coupled parents.There are continued gender inequalities in divisions of unpaid care work.
NetherlandsQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo investigate gender differences in (a) paid work (work location, working days and times, perceived work pressure); (b) the division of childcare/household tasks; and (c) quality of life (leisure, work–life balance, relationship dynamics) among Dutch mothers and fathers during the COVID lockdown.Mothers and fathers ( = 852)
375 (44%) fathers
477 (56%) mothers
Dutch household, at least one member in paid employment, at least one child age of 18 or younger living at home.The impact of the first COVID-19 lockdown measures on Dutch parents was gendered, with some existing gender inequalities increasing.
United StatesQuantitative—Cross sectionalTo study the impact of the pandemic on gender equity within households in the United States and to understand gender differences, how fathers and mothers are coping in terms of childcare provision, employment, working arrangements, and psychological distress levels.Mothers and fathers ( = 3,980)
1,950 (49%) fathers
2,030 (51%) mothers
All adults 18–65, married, or partnered. For the childcare analysis, only participants with school age children were included.The unprecedented school closures, social distancing measures, and stay-at-home orders to contain the COVID-19 pandemic had the potential to drastically magnify gender differences in terms of both childcare arrangements.
Outcome/studyMental healthInterparental relationshipParent–child bonding
Parental burnoutDepressionAnxietySocial supportStressWork–family conflictCo-parentingRelationship satisfactionFamily functioningChildcare responsibilitiesHousehold tasks
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Mental Health

Parenting stress, parental burnout, social support, interparental relations, division of childcare responsibilities, division of household responsibilities, work–family conflict, co-parenting, relationship satisfaction, family functioning, father–child interactions, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 2,687, web of science, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 2,357 results, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 2,754 results, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 1,034 results, searched october 8, 2021, retrieved 606 results.

Outcome/studyMental health
Parental burnoutDepressionAnxietySocial supportStress
Parental Burnout Assessment    
 Patient Health Questionnaire
Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale
Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale  
Parental Burnout Assessment    
  Study-Specific Questionnaire Parenting Stress Index-Short Form
 Patient Health QuestionnaireGeneralized anxiety disorderMultidimensional scale of perceived social support 
    Study-specific questionnaire
 Short form PROMISShort form PROMIS  
 Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale   
    Modified Parental Stress Scale
 Study-specific questionnaireStudy-specific questionnaire  
    Copenhagen Psychosocial Questionnaire (COPSOQ)
 Qualitative Interview Guide   
Parental Burnout AssessmentPatient Health QuestionnaireGeneralized Anxiety Disorder  
    Parental Stress Scale (PSS)
Parental Burnout Inventory    
Parental Burnout InventoryGeneral Health Questionnaire   
Parental Burnout Assessment5-item well-being World Health Organization   
    Qualitative Interview
Burden Scale for Family Caregivers—Short formMajor Depression InventoryGeneralized Anxiety Disorder  
Burden Scale for Family Caregivers—Short formMajor Depression Inventory  Perceived Stress Scale–Adult Form
 Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale   
    Parenting Stress Index–Short Form
    Parenting Stress Index–Short Form
(Wissö & Bäck-Wiklund, 2021)   Study-specific questionnaire 
Outcome/studyInterparental relationship
Work–family conflictCo-parentingRelationship satisfactionFamily functioningChildcare responsibilitiesHousehold tasks
 Co-parenting inventory for parents and adolescents    
    Study-specific questionnaireStudy-specific questionnaire
    Study-specific questionnaireStudy-specific questionnaire
Coronavirus Impact Scale     
     Study-specific questionnaire
    Study-specific questionnaireStudy-specific questionnaire
General Social Use survey – 2 items     
 Coparenting Relationship Scale-Brief    
  Qualitative Interview  Study-specific questionnaire
10-item work–family conflict and family–work conflict scales     
    Qualitative InterviewStudy-specific questionnaire
    Study-specific questionnaireStudy-specific questionnaire
    Study-specific questionnaire 
Qualitative InterviewQualitative Interview    
    Study-specific questionnaire 
    Study-specific questionnaire 
 Parental Teamwork subscale—Parenting and Family Adjustment Scale    
  Kansas Marital Satisfaction Scale   
    Study-specific questionnaire 
    Study-specific questionnaireStudy-specific questionnaire
  Investment Scale Study-specific questionnaireStudy-specific questionnaire
( )   Qualitative InterviewQualitative Interview 
    Study-specific questionnaire 
Study-specific questionnaire   Study-specific questionnaireStudy-specific questionnaire
    Study-specific questionnaire 

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In Their Own Words, Americans Describe the Struggles and Silver Linings of the COVID-19 Pandemic

The outbreak has dramatically changed americans’ lives and relationships over the past year. we asked people to tell us about their experiences – good and bad – in living through this moment in history..

Pew Research Center has been asking survey questions over the past year about Americans’ views and reactions to the COVID-19 pandemic. In August, we gave the public a chance to tell us in their own words how the pandemic has affected them in their personal lives. We wanted to let them tell us how their lives have become more difficult or challenging, and we also asked about any unexpectedly positive events that might have happened during that time.

The vast majority of Americans (89%) mentioned at least one negative change in their own lives, while a smaller share (though still a 73% majority) mentioned at least one unexpected upside. Most have experienced these negative impacts and silver linings simultaneously: Two-thirds (67%) of Americans mentioned at least one negative and at least one positive change since the pandemic began.

For this analysis, we surveyed 9,220 U.S. adults between Aug. 31-Sept. 7, 2020. Everyone who completed the survey is a member of Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories.  Read more about the ATP’s methodology . 

Respondents to the survey were asked to describe in their own words how their lives have been difficult or challenging since the beginning of the coronavirus outbreak, and to describe any positive aspects of the situation they have personally experienced as well. Overall, 84% of respondents provided an answer to one or both of the questions. The Center then categorized a random sample of 4,071 of their answers using a combination of in-house human coders, Amazon’s Mechanical Turk service and keyword-based pattern matching. The full methodology  and questions used in this analysis can be found here.

In many ways, the negatives clearly outweigh the positives – an unsurprising reaction to a pandemic that had killed  more than 180,000 Americans  at the time the survey was conducted. Across every major aspect of life mentioned in these responses, a larger share mentioned a negative impact than mentioned an unexpected upside. Americans also described the negative aspects of the pandemic in greater detail: On average, negative responses were longer than positive ones (27 vs. 19 words). But for all the difficulties and challenges of the pandemic, a majority of Americans were able to think of at least one silver lining. 

write an essay on impact of covid 19 on family

Both the negative and positive impacts described in these responses cover many aspects of life, none of which were mentioned by a majority of Americans. Instead, the responses reveal a pandemic that has affected Americans’ lives in a variety of ways, of which there is no “typical” experience. Indeed, not all groups seem to have experienced the pandemic equally. For instance, younger and more educated Americans were more likely to mention silver linings, while women were more likely than men to mention challenges or difficulties.

Here are some direct quotes that reveal how Americans are processing the new reality that has upended life across the country.

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write an essay on impact of covid 19 on family

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Essay On Covid-19: 100, 200 and 300 Words

write an essay on impact of covid 19 on family

  • Updated on  
  • Apr 30, 2024

Essay on Covid-19

COVID-19, also known as the Coronavirus, is a global pandemic that has affected people all around the world. It first emerged in a lab in Wuhan, China, in late 2019 and quickly spread to countries around the world. This virus was reportedly caused by SARS-CoV-2. Since then, it has spread rapidly to many countries, causing widespread illness and impacting our lives in numerous ways. This blog talks about the details of this virus and also drafts an essay on COVID-19 in 100, 200 and 300 words for students and professionals. 

Table of Contents

  • 1 Essay On COVID-19 in English 100 Words
  • 2 Essay On COVID-19 in 200 Words
  • 3 Essay On COVID-19 in 300 Words
  • 4 Short Essay on Covid-19

Essay On COVID-19 in English 100 Words

COVID-19, also known as the coronavirus, is a global pandemic. It started in late 2019 and has affected people all around the world. The virus spreads very quickly through someone’s sneeze and respiratory issues.

COVID-19 has had a significant impact on our lives, with lockdowns, travel restrictions, and changes in daily routines. To prevent the spread of COVID-19, we should wear masks, practice social distancing, and wash our hands frequently. 

People should follow social distancing and other safety guidelines and also learn the tricks to be safe stay healthy and work the whole challenging time. 

Also Read: National Safe Motherhood Day 2023

Essay On COVID-19 in 200 Words

COVID-19 also known as coronavirus, became a global health crisis in early 2020 and impacted mankind around the world. This virus is said to have originated in Wuhan, China in late 2019. It belongs to the coronavirus family and causes flu-like symptoms. It impacted the healthcare systems, economies and the daily lives of people all over the world. 

The most crucial aspect of COVID-19 is its highly spreadable nature. It is a communicable disease that spreads through various means such as coughs from infected persons, sneezes and communication. Due to its easy transmission leading to its outbreaks, there were many measures taken by the government from all over the world such as Lockdowns, Social Distancing, and wearing masks. 

There are many changes throughout the economic systems, and also in daily routines. Other measures such as schools opting for Online schooling, Remote work options available and restrictions on travel throughout the country and internationally. Subsequently, to cure and top its outbreak, the government started its vaccine campaigns, and other preventive measures. 

In conclusion, COVID-19 tested the patience and resilience of the mankind. This pandemic has taught people the importance of patience, effort and humbleness. 

Also Read : Essay on My Best Friend

Essay On COVID-19 in 300 Words

COVID-19, also known as the coronavirus, is a serious and contagious disease that has affected people worldwide. It was first discovered in late 2019 in Cina and then got spread in the whole world. It had a major impact on people’s life, their school, work and daily lives. 

COVID-19 is primarily transmitted from person to person through respiratory droplets produced and through sneezes, and coughs of an infected person. It can spread to thousands of people because of its highly contagious nature. To cure the widespread of this virus, there are thousands of steps taken by the people and the government. 

Wearing masks is one of the essential precautions to prevent the virus from spreading. Social distancing is another vital practice, which involves maintaining a safe distance from others to minimize close contact.

Very frequent handwashing is also very important to stop the spread of this virus. Proper hand hygiene can help remove any potential virus particles from our hands, reducing the risk of infection. 

In conclusion, the Coronavirus has changed people’s perspective on living. It has also changed people’s way of interacting and how to live. To deal with this virus, it is very important to follow the important guidelines such as masks, social distancing and techniques to wash your hands. Getting vaccinated is also very important to go back to normal life and cure this virus completely.

Also Read: Essay on Abortion in English in 650 Words

Short Essay on Covid-19

Please find below a sample of a short essay on Covid-19 for school students:

Also Read: Essay on Women’s Day in 200 and 500 words

to write an essay on COVID-19, understand your word limit and make sure to cover all the stages and symptoms of this disease. You need to highlight all the challenges and impacts of COVID-19. Do not forget to conclude your essay with positive precautionary measures.

Writing an essay on COVID-19 in 200 words requires you to cover all the challenges, impacts and precautions of this disease. You don’t need to describe all of these factors in brief, but make sure to add as many options as your word limit allows.

The full form for COVID-19 is Corona Virus Disease of 2019.

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An avid writer and a creative person. With an experience of 1.5 years content writing, Simran has worked with different areas. From medical to working in a marketing agency with different clients to Ed-tech company, the journey has been diverse. Creative, vivacious and patient are the words that describe her personality.

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Impact of COVID-19 on people's livelihoods, their health and our food systems

Joint statement by ilo, fao, ifad and who.

The COVID-19 pandemic has led to a dramatic loss of human life worldwide and presents an unprecedented challenge to public health, food systems and the world of work. The economic and social disruption caused by the pandemic is devastating: tens of millions of people are at risk of falling into extreme poverty, while the number of undernourished people, currently estimated at nearly 690 million, could increase by up to 132 million by the end of the year.

Millions of enterprises face an existential threat. Nearly half of the world’s 3.3 billion global workforce are at risk of losing their livelihoods. Informal economy workers are particularly vulnerable because the majority lack social protection and access to quality health care and have lost access to productive assets. Without the means to earn an income during lockdowns, many are unable to feed themselves and their families. For most, no income means no food, or, at best, less food and less nutritious food. 

The pandemic has been affecting the entire food system and has laid bare its fragility. Border closures, trade restrictions and confinement measures have been preventing farmers from accessing markets, including for buying inputs and selling their produce, and agricultural workers from harvesting crops, thus disrupting domestic and international food supply chains and reducing access to healthy, safe and diverse diets. The pandemic has decimated jobs and placed millions of livelihoods at risk. As breadwinners lose jobs, fall ill and die, the food security and nutrition of millions of women and men are under threat, with those in low-income countries, particularly the most marginalized populations, which include small-scale farmers and indigenous peoples, being hardest hit.

Millions of agricultural workers – waged and self-employed – while feeding the world, regularly face high levels of working poverty, malnutrition and poor health, and suffer from a lack of safety and labour protection as well as other types of abuse. With low and irregular incomes and a lack of social support, many of them are spurred to continue working, often in unsafe conditions, thus exposing themselves and their families to additional risks. Further, when experiencing income losses, they may resort to negative coping strategies, such as distress sale of assets, predatory loans or child labour. Migrant agricultural workers are particularly vulnerable, because they face risks in their transport, working and living conditions and struggle to access support measures put in place by governments. Guaranteeing the safety and health of all agri-food workers – from primary producers to those involved in food processing, transport and retail, including street food vendors – as well as better incomes and protection, will be critical to saving lives and protecting public health, people’s livelihoods and food security.

In the COVID-19 crisis food security, public health, and employment and labour issues, in particular workers’ health and safety, converge. Adhering to workplace safety and health practices and ensuring access to decent work and the protection of labour rights in all industries will be crucial in addressing the human dimension of the crisis. Immediate and purposeful action to save lives and livelihoods should include extending social protection towards universal health coverage and income support for those most affected. These include workers in the informal economy and in poorly protected and low-paid jobs, including youth, older workers, and migrants. Particular attention must be paid to the situation of women, who are over-represented in low-paid jobs and care roles. Different forms of support are key, including cash transfers, child allowances and healthy school meals, shelter and food relief initiatives, support for employment retention and recovery, and financial relief for businesses, including micro, small and medium-sized enterprises. In designing and implementing such measures it is essential that governments work closely with employers and workers.

Countries dealing with existing humanitarian crises or emergencies are particularly exposed to the effects of COVID-19. Responding swiftly to the pandemic, while ensuring that humanitarian and recovery assistance reaches those most in need, is critical.

Now is the time for global solidarity and support, especially with the most vulnerable in our societies, particularly in the emerging and developing world. Only together can we overcome the intertwined health and social and economic impacts of the pandemic and prevent its escalation into a protracted humanitarian and food security catastrophe, with the potential loss of already achieved development gains.

We must recognize this opportunity to build back better, as noted in the Policy Brief issued by the United Nations Secretary-General. We are committed to pooling our expertise and experience to support countries in their crisis response measures and efforts to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. We need to develop long-term sustainable strategies to address the challenges facing the health and agri-food sectors. Priority should be given to addressing underlying food security and malnutrition challenges, tackling rural poverty, in particular through more and better jobs in the rural economy, extending social protection to all, facilitating safe migration pathways and promoting the formalization of the informal economy.

We must rethink the future of our environment and tackle climate change and environmental degradation with ambition and urgency. Only then can we protect the health, livelihoods, food security and nutrition of all people, and ensure that our ‘new normal’ is a better one.

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Nutrition and Food Safety (NFS) and COVID-19

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Family in the Age of COVID‐19

Jay l. lebow.

1 Editor, Family Process, Family Institute at Northwestern, Evanston IL

The coronavirus has had a profound effect on the world in a multitude of ways. By the time this appears (written in mid‐April 2020), we probably will have some better sense of its ultimate impact. This essay centers on only one meaning of its effects: How it has impacted family life.

First and foremost, the COVID‐19 outbreak is a great human tragedy. In the long progression of human suffering, there have been other momentous times of loss, ranging from wars to genocides to massive oppression to other pandemics, but never one so widespread across such an interconnected world. Many people have died; still, more are critically ill. World economies and social structures suffer, and with this comes vulnerabilities to totalitarian and authoritarian politics in many countries.

Having said that, reactions to COVID‐19 also present a once in a lifetime international social experiment about family life, perhaps the most widespread social experiment of all time. Not only have individuals and families been dealing with threats to their health from COVID‐19 itself by trying to avoid and survive infection, but there have also been so many special meanings for families. For many, there, very directly, is the loss of family members (with those losses often occurring in ways removed from family contact that are in this era unusual). For almost everyone, there are anxieties and other feelings related to such potential losses (Weingarten & Worthen, 2018 ). Combine this with the other problems (e.g., increased unemployment and financial vulnerability) that accompany the pandemic, dealing with loss and possible loss are ubiquitous (Walsh, 2019 ).

Beyond such direct impacts of the virus, there are indirect effects. We are living through an intense period for family life, governed by a unique set of very strong external boundaries. Physical contact and close emotional contact have been mandated in many places by orders to remain within living units. This makes for powerful shared processes. It also makes for sometimes painful, intentional choices about who is in close contact with whom, that is, who is included within the boundary of close contact and who is excluded. To quote Dickens, “It was the best of times; It was the worst of times” (Dickens, 2014 ), a moment in which stories of heroic family closeness and resilience (Walsh, 2016 ) and unmitigated family stress and conflict both are prevalent. Enactments having to do with key processes within families can be expected to frequently emerge, moments that have long been described by structural family therapists as filled with possibilities for both gains and deterioration (Minuchin, 1974 ).

COVID‐19 also has plunged most of us full tilt into the already emerging world of virtual connection. Contacts beyond the nuclear family unit are almost exclusively by videoconferencing, phone, or app. With this change, it does seem that geography is now becoming far less a factor in our interconnected world. Zoom across an ocean or to next door does not differ much from each other. Yet, there is a difference between virtual and in‐person contact. Again, there are both the yin and yang of this, both the challenge of loss of connection and new possibilities for connection (Fishbane, 2019 ). Future social science will sure tell us how this has been experienced and its impact.

There have also been additional tests for those families that already face special challenges. What is the impact on families that already have members or subsystems in which there are individual or relational difficulties that are now cutoff from much of the outside world? Clearly, additional risks are evident in couples and families already at risk of violence, conflict,  or other forms of relational difficulty. Not surprisingly, early data from China point to an increase in divorce rates during their period of lockdown (Prasso, 2019 ). Additional difficulties also likely emerge for families who   have been dealing with troubled family members with the help of others that is now absent (McFarlane, 2016 ). Similarly, there are new and different opportunities for conflict in divorced and remarried families, where the frequency of contact between parents and children often already is at issue (Ganong & Coleman, 2018 ; Lebow, 2019a , 2019b ; Papernow, 2018 ). In other families, what looked to be successful processes of family transition, such as young adults leaving home to establish their own identities, have been suddenly radically reversed, engendering a myriad of problematic possibilities. And as virtual communication becomes the norm, what do families do about connecting with those who lack the necessary technology or technological skill to do so? There also is a challenge for those who depend on rituals for connection, be it church or Alcoholics Anonymous meetings or family dinners, that are now disrupted. Research shows that the maintenance of such regular and dependable rituals can be central in distinguishing those who become casualties from those who remain resilient through difficult times (Bennett, Wolin, Reiss, & Teitelbaum, 1987 ; Imber‐Black, Roberts, & Whiting, 1988 ). It also has already emerged that this virus is fatal far more often in some groups, such as African Americans, than in others. As is frequently the case in terrible events, effects are more pronounced for those who have the least financial resources. Crises like this one call further attention to profound underlying issues surrounding the impact of income inequality and racism in society (Anderson, McKenny, & Stevenson, 2019 ; Watson, 2019 ).

On the clinical front, COVID‐19 has prompted a vast expansion in telehealth practices and a considerable evolution in the methods and ethics for practice delivered through technology. For those who do couple and family therapy, the issues raised are complex and there has been limited guidance from earlier writing and presentations about these methods (Caldwell et al., 2017 ; Hertlein, Blumer, & Mihaloliakos, 2015 ; Hertlein & Piercy, 2012 ; Pickens et al., 2020 ). How to establish appointments with some members of a family at a distance? How to guarantee the privacy of the members of a family who are in treatment from those who are not? How to adapt therapies that involve young children? 1 What have been the initial offerings of a few about telehealth and online intervention in relational therapies (Connolly, Miller, Lindsay, & Bauer, 2020 ; Forgatch & Kjøbli, 2016 ; Georgia Salivar, Rothman, Roddy, & Doss, 2018 ; Owen, 2019 ; Roddy, Nowlan, & Doss, 2017 ; Traube et al., 2019 ; Tsami, Lerman, & Toper‐Korkmaz, 2019 ) have suddenly become the predominant methods of practice.

All these specific questions about the clinical practice of couple and family therapy also lead to larger empirical questions. Are relational therapies delivered at a distance as effective as in‐person therapy? What impact do teletherapy treatments or computer and app‐mediated prevention programs have on relational life and individual well‐being in this time? How are therapy processes, such as alliance formation, impacted (Davis & Hsieh, 2019 )? Do some forms of couple and family therapy or therapist methods of practice export to telehealth better than others (Russell & Breunlin, 2019 )? Are there alterations in practice that are needed for the most effective telehealth practice? Several studies already point to the benefits of online methods (Connolly et al., 2020 ; Owen, 2019 ; Traube et al., 2019 ; Tsami et al., 2019 ), but what can we learn from this vastly expanded context?

All told, these are highly stressful and most interesting times. Clinical experience already points to emerging trends. It will be fascinating to see what family science finds to be the short‐ and long‐term effects of these times and the impact of our methods of intervention during it.

1 The good news for those with a systemic focus is that this question about therapy with children can only be answered by including parents in therapy; thus, a systemic goal of parent involvement in all cases may be furthered by the evolution of this medium.

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12 Ideas for Writing Through the Pandemic With The New York Times

A dozen writing projects — including journals, poems, comics and more — for students to try at home.

write an essay on impact of covid 19 on family

By Natalie Proulx

The coronavirus has transformed life as we know it. Schools are closed, we’re confined to our homes and the future feels very uncertain. Why write at a time like this?

For one, we are living through history. Future historians may look back on the journals, essays and art that ordinary people are creating now to tell the story of life during the coronavirus.

But writing can also be deeply therapeutic. It can be a way to express our fears, hopes and joys. It can help us make sense of the world and our place in it.

Plus, even though school buildings are shuttered, that doesn’t mean learning has stopped. Writing can help us reflect on what’s happening in our lives and form new ideas.

We want to help inspire your writing about the coronavirus while you learn from home. Below, we offer 12 projects for students, all based on pieces from The New York Times, including personal narrative essays, editorials, comic strips and podcasts. Each project features a Times text and prompts to inspire your writing, as well as related resources from The Learning Network to help you develop your craft. Some also offer opportunities to get your work published in The Times, on The Learning Network or elsewhere.

We know this list isn’t nearly complete. If you have ideas for other pandemic-related writing projects, please suggest them in the comments.

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  1. The Impact of COVID-19 Pandemic on Family Well-Being: A Literature

    The aim of this literature review is to identify the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on family well-being based on the previously published articles. Literature Review. The coronavirus pandemic has become a public health crisis or disaster that has had an impact on family well-being both directly and indirectly. An infectious disease outbreak ...

  2. How to Write About COVID-19 In Your College Essay & Application

    How to Write About Coronavirus Using the Special COVID-19 (250-Word) Section on the Common App. Option 1: The Straightforward Way. Option 2: The Slightly More Creative Way. How to Write About Coronavirus Using the (650-Word) Additional Information Section.

  3. PDF Family Well-being and The Covid-19 Pandemic in The United States

    The COVID-19 pandemic has caused widespread infection, school closures, and high rates of job loss. Much of the current research has focused on the clinical features of COVID-19 infection, but the family well-being consequences of COVID-19 are less well documented. The goal of the current study is to describe parent and child well-being

  4. The Social and Economic Impact of Covid-19 on Family Functioning and

    A growing body of research demonstrates that COVID-19 has had a profound impact on family functioning and well-being in a range of countries. The fear and uncertainty of the health risks, in addition to the stress from ensuing restrictions and constraints on everyday life caused major disruptions, impacting the financial, emotional, and physical well-being of adults and children alike.

  5. How Did the Covid-19 Pandemic Affect You, Your Family and Your

    March 14, 2024. It has been four years since the World Health Organization declared Covid-19 a global pandemic on March 11, 2020. The New York Times writes of the anniversary: Four years ago today ...

  6. How the Pandemic Changed Family Dynamics

    The potential impact of COVID-19 on adolescents' social development. Adolescence is a time of social exploration where peers begin to play a greater role than parents as teens move toward ...

  7. How to Write About Coronavirus in a College Essay

    Writing About COVID-19 in College Essays. Experts say students should be honest and not limit themselves to merely their experiences with the pandemic. The global impact of COVID-19, the disease ...

  8. Impact of the COVID‐19 Pandemic on Parent, Child, and Family

    To quantify the impact of the COVID‐19 pandemic and public health interventions on parent and child mental health and family relationships, we examined change in individual and family functioning in a sample of parents enrolled in a prevention trial; we examined change before the pandemic (2017-2019) when children were an average of 7 years old to the first months after the imposition of ...

  9. How the Pandemic Changed Family Dynamics

    The effects of the social changes wrought by the COVID-19 pandemic were not wholly negative, however. Overall, most kids reported five times more positive interactions than negative interactions ...

  10. Family perspectives of COVID-19 research

    Background The COVID-19 pandemic has uniquely affected children and families by disrupting routines, changing relationships and roles, and altering usual child care, school and recreational activities. Understanding the way families experience these changes from parents' perspectives may help to guide research on the effects of COVID-19 among children. Main body As a multidisciplinary team ...

  11. COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on social relationships and health

    This essay examines key aspects of social relationships that were disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic. It focuses explicitly on relational mechanisms of health and brings together theory and emerging evidence on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic to make recommendations for future public health policy and recovery. We first provide an overview of the pandemic in the UK context, outlining the ...

  12. Writing about COVID-19 in a college essay GreatSchools.org

    The student or a family member had COVID-19 or suffered other illnesses due to confinement during the pandemic. The candidate had to deal with personal or family issues, such as abusive living situations or other safety concerns. The student suffered from a lack of internet access and other online learning challenges.

  13. 12 moving essays about life during coronavirus

    Read these 12 moving essays about life during coronavirus. Artists, novelists, critics, and essayists are writing the first draft of history. A woman wearing a face mask in Miami. Alissa Wilkinson ...

  14. PDF WORKING PAPER 43 Impact of the COVID-19 Crisis on Family Dynamics in

    COVID-19 and Family Dynamics 2 Abstract The COVID-19 crisis and its reverberations resulted in levels of economic distress unprecedented since the 1930s. But COVID was a seismic social shock even for families that lost no income, due at least in part to abrupt school closures and the widespread threat of illness and death.

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    Effects of COVID-19 Pandemic on Family Functioning. A variety of natural, economic, and public health crisis have affected families throughout the world, causing distress to family members, including mental health problems, interparental conflict, and relational instability, generating an increase in rough and abusive parenting. 16, 17 During the COVID-19 pandemic, families have suffered ...

  16. How to Write About the Impact of the Coronavirus in a College Essay

    October 21, 2020 · 7 min read. The global impact of COVID-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus, means colleges and prospective students alike are in for an admissions cycle like no ...

  17. The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Paternal Parenting

    To explore and describe the birth and new parenting experiences in South Africa during the COVID-19 pandemic, the impact of COVID-19 and the lockdown on these experiences, and the association between birth experiences and postpartum depressive symptoms. Mothers and fathers (n = 520) 24 (4.6%) fathers 296 (95.4%) mothers

  18. How the COVID-19 pandemic has changed Americans' personal lives

    The outbreak has dramatically changed Americans' lives and relationships over the past year. We asked people to tell us about their experiences - good and bad - in living through this moment in history. Pew Research Center has been asking survey questions over the past year about Americans' views and reactions to the COVID-19 pandemic.

  19. Essay On Covid-19: 100, 200 and 300 Words

    COVID-19, also known as the coronavirus, is a global pandemic. It started in late 2019 and has affected people all around the world. The virus spreads very quickly through someone's sneeze and respiratory issues. COVID-19 has had a significant impact on our lives, with lockdowns, travel restrictions, and changes in daily routines.

  20. Impact of COVID-19 on people's livelihoods, their health and our food

    Reading time: 3 min (864 words) The COVID-19 pandemic has led to a dramatic loss of human life worldwide and presents an unprecedented challenge to public health, food systems and the world of work. The economic and social disruption caused by the pandemic is devastating: tens of millions of people are at risk of falling into extreme poverty ...

  21. Family in the Age of COVID‐19

    Family in the Age of COVID‐19. The coronavirus has had a profound effect on the world in a multitude of ways. By the time this appears (written in mid‐April 2020), we probably will have some better sense of its ultimate impact. This essay centers on only one meaning of its effects: How it has impacted family life.

  22. 12 Ideas for Writing Through the Pandemic With The New York Times

    Future historians may look back on the journals, essays and art that ordinary people are creating now to tell the story of life during the coronavirus. But writing can also be deeply therapeutic.

  23. PDF How COVID-19 Impacted My Professional and Personal Life

    fe have changed immensely due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The most impacted aspects of work life are policies, service delivery, and work environment, especially with a new focus. n what we can do to deliver remote services efectively. The impacts to my personal life include my children's education, our shared work environment, and our health ...

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