Although the importance of studying whether broad macro-social factors are related to brain development has repeatedly been articulated, 33 , 45 – 47 studies have only recently begun to examine associations of social inequality with brain structure and function. This work has shown, for example, that greater neighborhood-level disadvantage in early childhood is associated with elevated amygdala response to neutral faces in early adulthood, 48 that exposure to state-level structural stigma is associated with smaller hippocampal volume among Black and Latinx youth, 49 and that the magnitude of the association between SES and brain volume varies significantly across European countries. 50
We argue that further systematic investigation into associations between social inequalities and neural outcomes will advance research in cognitive neuroscience in several substantive ways. First, cognitive neuroscience has the potential to reveal the neural mechanisms through which social inequality relates to behavior and school achievement as well as health disparities, 51 , 52 particularly mediating processes that may be difficult to detect via self-report. 53 By linking macro-level factors related to social inequality with micro-level neural processes, such findings would complement research on other mechanisms underlying the negative effects of social inequality—such as health behaviors, 54 access to medical care, 55 and disinvestment of economic resources. 2
Second, cognitive neuroscience has provided essential insights into how social factors—such as social rejection, 56 exposure to interpersonal violence, 57 intergroup prejudice, 58 childhood maltreatment, 59 and low SES 60 , 61 —relate to brain structure and function. To date, however, this work has focused almost exclusively on social factors measured at the level of individual/interpersonal experiences and/or perceptions. Expanding the level of analysis to broader structural factors may shed light onto previously unexamined correlates of neural structure and function.
Third, integrating greater focus on structural factors in neuroimaging research can contribute to efforts to improve reproducibility in cognitive neuroscience by revealing meaningful explanations for replication failures. 62 – 64 For example, the association of SES with brain volume and cognitive ability varies significantly across European countries, 50 with the association being weak in some countries and pronounced in others. Thus, depending on where the neuroimaging study is conducted, researchers may come to different conclusions about the significance and magnitude of observed associations. Rather than a failure to replicate, this may instead reflect the fact that social context is a meaningful moderator of associations frequently examined in cognitive neuroscience studies. Although the role of contextual sensitivity has been highlighted in discussions of scientific reproducibility, 65 few studies have provided empirical evidence for it, particularly in cognitive neuroscience.
Finally, understanding whether social inequalities are associated with brain structure and function has not only scientific but also societal implications. Debate about the impact of decades of growing income inequality, persistent systemic racism, and policies that restrict the rights of large swaths of the population (e.g., on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, or immigration status) is at the forefront of public discourse. Research into the neural correlates of social inequality may inform these debates as well as litigation efforts to address inequality, similar to the role that such evidence has played in other legal domains, including the treatment of minors in the criminal justice system. 66
We develop our arguments, first, by reviewing three methodological approaches that can be used to examine the relationship between social inequalities and neural outcomes. After reviewing these three methods, we discuss their relative strengths and limitations (summarized in Table 2 ) and suggest areas for future inquiry that are necessary to advance this work.
Advantages and Limitations of Different Methodological Approaches for Studying Associations between Social Inequalities and Neural Structure/Function
Methodology | Advantages | Limitations | Questions to Consider When Using this Methodology |
---|---|---|---|
Pragmatic (easiest) | When there is only one site, research questions are limited to “objective” measures of social inequalities that vary within that single site, typically neighborhood-level influences. While neighborhood influences are certainly important, social inequalities are often generated by institutional policies and practices that occur at broader geographic scales, including counties, states, and countries, and thus will be missed with this approach. | 1) Does the measure of social inequality exist at the neighborhood level, or at a broader geographic scale? 2) Do you have adequate variation in the measure of social inequality of interest among your study sample? | |
| Provides variation in exposure to broad social contexts, such as states and countries, that vary on the dimension of interest related to social inequality. | The resources needed to conduct and coordinate these large team-based efforts are typically prohibitively expensive. Some existing multi-site studies do not provide information that would enable participants to be linked to site locations. | 1) How will you address the substantial resource challenges in conducting this type of design? 2) Among the study sites you have, is there sufficient variation in the measure of social inequality? |
Easier to conduct than the multi-site, single study, while still having adequate structural variation in social inequality. Can examine temporal dimensions (e.g., do the associations between social inequalities and neural outcomes differ across time or across historical changes?). | Data constraints in terms of where studies were conducted (i.e., spatial clustering, or geospatial autocorrelation), what data are available (e.g., length of exposure to current environment, covariates, mechanisms), and ability to synthesize fMRI data across multiple labs. Often individual studies included in the meta-analysis provide inexact data on where the study occurred. | 1) Are the measures you need (e.g., for confounders and outcome) available across all studies? 2) Where were the studies in the meta-analysis conducted, and do they vary along the dimensions of social inequality of interest? |
The most straightforward and frequently employed approach to examining associations between social inequalities and neural outcomes is the single-site, single-study approach. In these studies, structural measures of social inequality are typically assessed at the neighborhood level, because this is the only contextual unit of analysis with variability within a single site (i.e., a metropolitan area and/or its surrounding regions). Most commonly, these studies measure neighborhood-level socioeconomic disadvantage, 48 , 67 – 71 frequently operationalized via composite scales, such as the Area Deprivation Index (ADI), which includes area-level factors such as income, education, housing quality, and employment. As with all measures, the ADI has strengths and limitations, including a potential over-emphasis on home values in some regions. 72 We refer readers to an excellent scoping review of different area-based socioeconomic deprivation indices 73 to guide their selection of the appropriate measurement approach.
In an example of this approach, Gard and colleagues 48 examined the association of neighborhood-level socioeconomic disadvantage—operationalized with a composite measure (e.g., percent families below the poverty line, percent households on public assistance) 74 , 75 —with neural responses to ambiguous (i.e., neutral) faces among participants sampled from the Pittsburgh area. Greater neighborhood disadvantage in early childhood was associated with elevated amygdala response to neutral faces in early adulthood, after adjusting for family-level SES and other forms of adversity including maternal depression and harsh parenting ( Figure 1 ). 48 These results suggest that neighborhood-level socioeconomic disadvantage is associated with neural response to ambiguous social cues over and above individual and family-level factors known to be associated with these responses.
Figure adapted from Gard et al. (2021). 48 Greater neighborhood disadvantage in early childhood was associated with elevated amygdala response to neutral faces in early adulthood, after adjusting for family-level SES and other forms of adversity including maternal depression and harsh parenting. These findings were replicated in 2 studies of boys from low-income family backgrounds, (a) at the University of Pittsburgh with participants from Pittsburgh ( n =167) and (b) at the University of Michigan with participants from Chicago, Toledo, and Detroit.
The primary advantage of the single-site, single-study approach is pragmatic—it is easier to obtain neuroimaging data on samples living within a smaller geographic region (i.e., neighborhoods) and on a single scanner. But this advantage also represents the principal limitation of this approach: it is constrained in its ability to examine social inequalities beyond neighborhood-level characteristics. This is an important limitation, given that social inequalities are often generated by norms, attitudes, and institutional policies and practices that occur at broader geographic scales, including counties, states, and countries. Researchers interested in evaluating these broader sources of social inequalities must use one of the two other methods, to which we now turn.
The second methodological approach involves a single study that includes multiple data collection sites that have harmonized the collection of neuroimaging data. By including multiple sites that provide variation in social inequalities across different geographic scales (e.g., states, countries), this approach overcomes one of the key limitations of the single-site, single-study design. While multi-site studies have examined sources of social inequality across smaller geographic scales like neighborhoods—including racial residential segregation 76 and socioeconomic disadvantage 77 —we focus in this section on studies that have investigated social inequality at broader units of analysis.
Two recent studies leveraged the contextual variability from a multi-site study—the Adolescent Brain and Cognitive Development (ABCD) study, which was conducted at 21 sites across the United States—to examine whether social inequalities, measured at the state level, were associated with neural outcomes among youth. In one study, Hatzenbuehler and colleagues 49 operationalized the level of structural stigma related to gender, race, and ethnicity in each state, which was measured separately for each stigmatized group using state-level indicators of social policies (e.g., whether immigrants were granted access to health services) and aggregated prejudicial attitudes (e.g., endorsement of racial stereotypes). Black youth residing in environments characterized by higher structural racism had smaller hippocampal volume than Black youth residing in environments with lower levels of structural racism, controlling for demographics and family SES; the same pattern was observed for Latinx youth residing in contexts involving high structural stigma related to Latinx ethnicity compared to Latinx youth in low-stigma contexts. Further, perceived discrimination was unrelated to hippocampal volume among Black and Latinx youth, suggesting that an objective measure of stigma at the contextual level (i.e., structural stigma) may be more strongly associated with neurodevelopment than subjective perceptions of stigma measured at the individual level. 49
In another study, Weissman and colleagues 78 examined whether cost of living and the generosity of the social safety net for low-income families moderated the well-replicated association between family income and hippocampal volume in children 61 , 75 , 79 , 80 across 21 sites in the ABCD study. Three policies aimed at providing support for low-income families that vary meaningfully across states were examined: the amount of monthly benefits provided by the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (i.e., welfare: a federal program but operates through state block grants; the generosity of the benefit therefore varies between U.S. states); the amount of the state-level earned income tax credit; and whether the state enacted the expansion of Medicaid benefits made available by the Affordable Care Act, which expanded access to free health insurance through Medicaid to all U.S. citizens with income up to 138% of the federal poverty line, although not all states adopted these expanded benefits. The association between family income and hippocampal volume varied significantly across states, such that the association was stronger in states with higher cost of living. Critically, however, the magnitude of this association also varied as a function of the generosity of state-level policies designed to help low-income families. Among high cost of living states, more generous cash benefits for lower-SES families reduced the association between SES and hippocampal volume by 34% ( Figure 2 ).
Figure adapted from Weissman et al. (2023). 78 3-way interactions between state-level cost of living and generosity of anti-poverty programs and individual family income-to-needs ratio (log-transformed). Cash assistance was based on both monthly Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) benefits in that state and the average monthly Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) in that state. Higher cost of living was associated with smaller hippocampal volume among low-income participants, but this was attenuated when states also offered more generous cash benefits. Postal abbreviations for the 17 states in the ABCD study (CA: California; CO: Colorado; CT: Connecticut; FL: Florida; MD: Maryland: MI: Michigan; MN: Minnesota; MO: Missouri; NY: New York; OK: Oklahoma; OR: Oregon; PA: Pennsylvania; SC: South Carolina; UT: Utah; VT: Vermont; VA: Virginia; WI: Wisconsin) are placed along the X-axis in the location corresponding most closely to their cost of living and cash assistance relative to the other states. Hippocampal volume estimates are equivalent to the random intercept of the relation between income and hippocampal volume for that state when family income is 1 SD above (high income) or below (low income) the mean.
The primary advantage of the multi-site, single-study approach is that it provides variation in exposure to broad social contexts, such as states and countries, that vary on the dimension of interest related to social inequality. In Table 3 , we provide details of several multi-site neuroimaging studies that have sufficient variability in social contexts beyond the neighborhood level to examine associations between social inequality and neural outcomes. We also refer interested readers to the Linked External Data source provided by the ABCD study, which includes residential, census, and state-level variables that provide new opportunities for examining how social inequalities relate to neural outcomes. 81
Examples of Multi-Site Neuroimaging Studies
Study Name | Sample Size (N) | Sites |
---|---|---|
NIH MRI Study of Normal Brain Development | 505 | Massachusetts, Ohio, Texas, California, Pennsylvania, Missouri |
Adolescent Brain and Development Study | 11,878 | California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New York, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Utah, Virginia, Vermont, Wisconsin |
Human Connectome Project | 1,350 | Massachusetts, California, Minnesota, Missouri |
Lifespan Human Connectome Project | 1,200 | Massachusetts, California, Minnesota, Missouri |
Lifebrain Consortium | 5,140 | Spain, Germany, Sweden, Norway, Great Britain, Denmark, Netherlands, Switzerland |
IMAGEN Study | 2,000 | Great Britain, Ireland, Germany, France |
UK Biobank (Neuroimaging Subsample) | 46,924 (as of 02/2023) ~100,00 (planned) | Counties in the United Kingdom |
One limitation of this approach is that some multi-site studies do not provide information about the site where each participant was scanned, precluding the ability to link the dataset to structural measures of social inequality. An additional limitation is that the resources needed to conduct and coordinate large team-based efforts are often prohibitive, which means that researchers must almost always rely on existing multi-site studies, like the ABCD study, where the data have already been collected. Consequently, researchers are constrained by the measures and tasks that were previously collected, which may not always align with the research question and may not include the measures that are needed to improve inferences (e.g., key confounders, plausible alternative explanations, candidate mechanisms). Given these challenges, researchers may need to consider alternative approaches to study whether social inequalities are related to neural outcomes, such as the one we consider next.
Despite the important insights that the methodological approaches reviewed above have produced, they are limited in that single-site studies can only examine variation across neighborhoods, and multi-site studies require massive funding investments and coordination across institutions and researchers. As such, a third approach—a multi-site, multi-study approach known as spatial meta-analysis —circumvents the challenges associated with single- and multi-site single-study designs. This approach retains many aspects of a traditional meta-analysis, with the added step that studies are geo-located, allowing researchers to characterize each included study in terms of the social context in which it was conducted. 82 Spatial meta-analyses therefore leverage the contextual variability that naturally exists across neuroimaging studies to examine associations between contextual variables and neural outcomes. This approach allows researchers to utilize data that are already published and generate new insights by linking those results to structural measures of inequality after the fact.
Although meta-analyses of fMRI data are commonplace in cognitive neuroscience, only two recent studies, to our knowledge, have used spatial meta-analyses to examine contextual variation across studies. The first re-analyzed a comprehensive set of studies examining white participants’ neural responses to Black (vs. white) faces within the U.S. to determine whether community-level racial prejudice was associated with the degree of neural activation to Black (vs. white) faces in primarily white participants. 83 A substantial body of work in social neuroscience has examined the neural underpinnings of racial prejudice. 58 Initial work on this topic centered on the role of threat-related responses in the amygdala to out-group members as a potential neural mechanism underlying racial prejudice. 58 Despite decades of research, however, evidence for a stronger amygdala response to racial out-group compared to in-group members has been mixed. 58 Hatzenbuehler and colleagues 83 examined whether these inconsistencies may be due, in part, to contextual factors typically ignored in cognitive neuroscience, such that observed associations are more (or less) pronounced depending on the structural context in which participants are embedded—specifically, to the varying levels of racial prejudice in these communities. Racial attitudes, obtained from over 10,000 respondents from Project Implicit, were aggregated to the 17 counties in which each study was conducted. Multi-level kernel density analysis demonstrated that significant differences in neural activation to Black (vs. white) faces in two key nodes of the salience network (right amygdala and dorsal anterior cingulate cortex [dACC]) were detected more often in communities with higher (vs. lower) levels of explicit racial prejudice. Sensitivity analyses revealed that this pattern of activation was unrelated to three alternative variables that may serve as common causes or consequences of racial prejudice (i.e., income inequality, community-level racial composition, and community-level education), providing further evidence for specificity of the results to community-level racial prejudice. 83
Whereas this spatial meta-analysis measured structural sources of inequality (i.e., area-level prejudice) at the local level (U.S. counties), a second spatial meta-analysis assessed gender inequality at the level of 29 countries, using nation-level data derived from two widely utilized indicators of gender inequality. 84 , 85 The authors then examined associations of gender inequality with sex differences in cortical thickness and surface area in adult men and women. The study found thinner cortices among women (vs. men) in countries with greater gender inequality—especially in regions involved in salience processing (i.e., right caudal anterior cingulate and right medial orbitofrontal) and in left lateral occipital cortex ( Figure 3 ). 86 In contrast, there were no sex differences in these regions between men and women in countries with less gender inequality. Analyses remained robust after controlling for other country-level economic characteristics (i.e., per capita gross domestic product).
Figure adapted from Zugman et al. (2023). 86 (a) The authors identified 139 studies conducted in 29 countries. (b) Using nation-level data from the United Nations and the World Economic Forum, the authors examined the association between gender inequality and sex differences in cortical thickness and surface area. They found that in studies conducted in countries with greater gender inequality, men tended to have greater right hemisphere cortical thickness. Associations between gender inequality and sex differences in cortical thickness in specific regions were also observed.
Collectively, these two sets of findings confirm the feasibility of using spatial meta-analysis to link structural measures of social inequality to neural outcomes, highlight the novel insights it can generate regarding how social inequality relates to brain structure and function, and underscore the utility of this method for reconciling conflicting results in the cognitive neuroscience literature.
Spatial meta-analysis capitalizes on the substantial heterogeneity in exposure to various forms of social inequality that occur across individual neuroimaging studies. This represents its greatest advantage: the ability to leverage geographic and temporal variation in existing neuroimaging studies to examine relationships between social inequalities and neural outcomes.
At the same time, this approach has limitations. One has to do with data constraints in terms of where studies are conducted, as the social contexts have already been selected based on where the individual studies happened to be conducted. This may not be an issue if these studies are spatially distributed; however, if studies are conducted in a few communities, this could introduce issues related to spatial clustering (e.g., geospatial autocorrelation) or to restricted ranges in the measures of social inequality. A second set of limitations concerns the ability to synthesize fMRI data across multiple labs. These issues include differences in pre-processing, thresholding of whole-brain effects, reporting of parameter estimates, and regions of interest used to extract effects. That said, researchers have developed analytic techniques to overcome these challenges, including in meta-analyses, with notable successes in identifying, for example, the brain bases of emotion and memory. 87 – 93 A third limitation involves the availability of data on the location of the individual studies. Often, this information is not provided, is inexact, or must be inferred based on the institution of the first or senior author. This limitation means that it is often necessary to contact individual researchers to request specific details on study location. One recommendation of our analysis, which others have also called for, 82 is to require this type of geographic information to be more systematically reported in reports of neuroimaging studies.
In this section, we offer several strategies and considerations to guide programmatic research on the links between social inequality and neural outcomes, and we discuss ethical issues in conducting this work.
The first step is to identify the form of social inequality that will be the focus of the investigation. We suggest three specific questions to help inform the selection of this variable. First, what theoretical support exists for this factor? Second, what is the empirical evidence for this factor influencing cognitive, affective, and behavioral processes, and are these processes plausibly related to brain structure and function? Third, how strong is this evidence? Has it been established across multiple methods (e.g., observational, quasi-experimental) and measures? In answering these questions, we encourage scholars to consider literatures outside of cognitive neuroscience, given that the topic of social inequality is an inherently interdisciplinary field. For example, scholarship from sociology, 35 psychology, 36 anthropology, 94 and public health 2 has revealed that stigma and discrimination are structural causes of population-level inequalities. 95 Interdisciplinary collaborations with colleagues from these allied disciplines ensures that cognitive neuroscientists are well-versed in the sources of social inequality that may be most relevant to their question of interest.
A second step is to identify reliable and valid measures of the social inequality variable of interest. Structural measures, including social attitudes, have been collected by survey research firms or other agencies (e.g., National Opinion Research Center). However, it is often necessary to apply for restricted access to obtain these measures at certain geographic scales (e.g., states, counties). In other instances, structural measures must be assembled by researchers themselves. In these cases, it is advisable to include collaborators on the research team who possess the necessary expertise in the collection of these data, as in the case of social policies. Scholars have also noted the importance of incorporating the perspectives of communities with lived experience in the development of measures of structural inequality (e.g., structural racism), through methods such as community-based participatory research. 96 Doing so ensures that measurement approaches are also ecologically valid.
Another important measurement consideration is the geographic level(s) most relevant for the research question. In the context of social attitudes, it is likely important to obtain them at levels that are most proximate to the respondent (e.g., county). 97 In contrast, for other measures, like laws, states or countries may be the most relevant unit of analysis.
Once researchers have selected the structural measure(s) of social inequality, they must make decisions regarding the study sample(s). Typically, research on the consequences of social inequality is focused on marginalized groups. As other commentators have noted, sample sizes for minoritized individuals are typically quite small in neuroscience research, 98 and stratified estimates are frequently not reported for key sociodemographic characteristics (e.g., race). 99 To these important points we add that social inequality may influence who is ultimately recruited and retained in research samples, including in neuroscience studies. While such selection factors are often treated as nuisance variables, sociologists have urged scholars to conceptualize selection instead as a social process that is worthy of study in its own right. 100
These observations have important implications for identifying the samples in studies that employ the methodological approaches outlined in this paper. For single-site, single-study approaches, in which researchers are typically collecting their own data, a priori power analysis should be used to determine sufficient sample sizes of marginalized groups. For multi-site studies (whether single- or multi-study), cognitive neuroscientists must rely on previously collected data, and thus should be cognizant that selection processes could operate such that marginalized individuals who are most vulnerable to the consequences of social inequality are the least likely to be included in these neuroimaging studies. Critically, this selection bias most likely leads to an underestimate of the association between social inequality and neural outcomes, a point that is important to consider in evaluating findings across studies.
The next step is the identification of the appropriate research design. See Table 2 for a list of questions across each of the three methodological approaches to help guide the selection of study design for a particular research question.
In many respects, after Steps 1–4 have been completed, the final step in terms of analysis proceeds according to most other research studies. Cognitive neuroscientists are already intimately acquainted with the error of reverse inference in neuroimaging data. 101 We highlight two additional issues that deserve particular attention when examining social inequalities as predictor variables. The first is the importance of using mixed-effects models (also known as multi-level models) to appropriately account for clustering, given that individuals will be nested within context. In addition, in multi-site, single study approaches, it is often necessary to include random effects for site.
The second issue concerns causal inference. In experimental studies, individuals are randomly assigned to condition; researchers can therefore be reasonably confident that the independent (manipulated) variable caused the dependent variable (outcome), thereby ruling out alternative explanations. It is neither ethical nor feasible to randomly assign individuals to different social contexts. As such, researchers must rely on observational and quasi-experimental designs, which necessitate the use of different strategies for addressing alternative explanations for the observed association between social inequality and neural outcomes. Here, we briefly highlight two such strategies that have been used in extant studies.
One strategy is addressing alternative explanations through statistical controls. Because other features of the social context co-occur with structural forms of inequality, researchers must examine whether their measure of inequality remains associated with the neural outcome(s) over and above other area-level covariates. For instance, Weissman et al. 78 found that state-level policies expanding or restricting the social safety net for low-income families moderated the relationship between family SES and hippocampal volume. In supplementary analyses, they showed that these findings were robust to controls for a wide range of state-level social, economic, and political characteristics (e.g., state preschool enrollment, unemployment). Of course, as with all observational designs, this method cannot rule out the possibility of unmeasured confounding variables, and thus results in such studies can suggest—but not definitively confirm—a causal link.
A second strategy for addressing plausible alternative explanations is the strategic selection of control groups (also known as “negative control analyses”) 102 in which researchers examine whether there is an association in a group where it would not be expected to occur. In one example, Hatzenbuehler et al. 49 showed that structural forms of stigma (e.g., aggregated social attitudes, social policies) were associated with smaller hippocampal volume among Latinx and Black youth. In contrast, structural stigma was unrelated to hippocampal volume in non-stigmatized youth. This evidence for result specificity supports the hypothesis that results are due to structural stigma itself and not to other macro-social factors associated with it (e.g., area-level SES), which should theoretically affect both stigmatized and non-stigmatized youth in similar ways.
There are many other methodological and analytic strategies for marshaling evidence for causality with observational data—including instrumental variables, regression discontinuity designs, and others. Researchers interested in testing neuroscience models using structural data on social inequality should consider collaborating with scholars from economics, sociology, and social epidemiology who have expertise in these various approaches to causal inference.
There is a long, ignominious history of the (mis)use of scientific data with populations who have borne the brunt of the consequences of social inequality. In light of this history, researchers must be especially attentive to how their study might further contribute to the marginalization of certain social groups—especially in the context of public misunderstandings of neuroscience results, such as biological reductionism. 45 Ethical considerations require thoughtful engagement at each step of the research process outlined above—from exploring why researchers are posing their specific questions, to the specific measures they select, to the analytic approaches they employ, to how their results are communicated to the scientific community and broader public. While the harms of historical and contemporary neuroscience practices to marginalized communities have been reviewed recently elsewhere, 103 there are potential benefits as well. Indeed, providing evidence that structural sources of inequality predict neural outcomes locates any group difference in brain structure or function within aspects of the broader social context rather than within individuals; such findings may therefore be less likely to be used to perpetuate stereotypes or to justify discrimination. We refer readers to helpful recommendations for how cognitive neuroscience datasets can be used to advance health equity and to minimize harm. 104
Existing studies that we have reviewed in this paper all use observational data, which cannot establish causality. Future research would therefore benefit from utilizing methods from other fields (e.g., econometrics, sociology, epidemiology) to strengthen causal inferences regarding the relationship between social inequalities and neutral outcomes in order to ensure a more robust evidence base. These methods might include quasi-experimental designs that leverage short-term changes in social inequality (e.g., social policies that differentially target marginalized groups for social exclusion), 105 or divergent mobility patterns that naturally occur in longitudinal studies (e.g., movement of respondents to different social contexts, such as moves from higher-to-lower poverty neighborhoods, or higher-to-lower stigmatizing climates). Both types of designs have been effectively used to study biopsychosocial consequences of social inequality, and thus hold promise for cognitive neuroscience (see reviews in the area of stigma and prejudice by Hatzenbuehler; 36 , 106 for an example of mobility studies in economics, see Chetty et al. 107 ).
Several research questions also remain unanswered regarding whether, how, and for whom social inequalities are related to neural outcomes. For instance, our paper examined structural measures of social inequality that have received the most empirical attention in the cognitive neuroscience literature—including structural stigma, community-level prejudice, gender inequality, neighborhood disadvantage, and the generosity of the social safety net for low-income families. Future studies are needed to examine linkages between additional forms of social inequality and neural outcomes, employing the methods that we have outlined in this paper. Examples might include air pollution 108 and access to green spaces, 109 both of which are socially patterned. 108 This research will provide important information regarding potential boundary conditions of the consequences of social inequality for brain structure and function.
In addition, existing studies have focused on direct associations of social inequalities with measures of neural structure and function. Less attention has been paid to identifying the factors that may influence the direction and magnitude of these relationships (i.e., moderators). The identification of moderators at multiple levels of influence—material resources, social, psychological, biological—therefore represents an important area of inquiry. Additional questions for future inquiry include the following: Are the associations between social inequalities and neural outcomes similar across different geographic units of analysis—e.g., city and state—or are these associations stronger at more proximal levels? Do these different units interact to explain variation in neural structure and function, as has been found for various psychological phenomenon, such as identity concealment? 43 Are associations between social inequalities and neural outcomes sensitive to particular developmental periods?
We present a call to action for the field of cognitive neuroscience to begin to grapple with the role that social inequality may play in shaping neural outcomes and highlight emerging findings suggesting that structural approaches may yield new insights into whether and how various dimensions of social inequality relate to neural structure and function. We present three methodological approaches that have recently been utilized to study associations between structural measures of social inequalities and neural outcomes. We hope our paper invigorates new research in cognitive neuroscience that explicitly incorporates upstream contextual factors, which holds potential promise for contributing to public discourse on some of the most meaningful social, health, and policy-related questions of our time.
Competing Interests Statement : The authors declare no competing interests.
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Research Article
Contributed equally to this work with: Liang Guo, Shikun Li
Roles Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Methodology, Project administration, Supervision, Writing – original draft
Affiliation Institute of Computational Social Science, Shandong University, Weihai, China
Roles Methodology, Resources, Software
Roles Conceptualization, Methodology, Software, Validation
* E-mail: [email protected]
Affiliation Engineering Department, Cambridge University, Cambridge, United Kingdom
Affiliation Institut Supérieur de Management et Communication, Paris, France
Roles Data curation, Investigation, Methodology
Affiliation Kantar TNS, Paris, France
Roles Supervision, Writing – review & editing
Affiliation Department of Economics, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA, United States
The literature of social class and inequality is not only diverse and rich in sight, but also complex and fragmented in structure. This article seeks to map the topic landscape of the field and identify salient development trajectories over time. We apply the Latent Dirichlet Allocation topic modeling technique to extract 25 distinct topics from 14,038 SSCI articles published between 1956 to 2017. We classified three topics as “hot”, eight as “stable” and 14 as “cold”, based on each topic’s idiosyncratic temporal trajectory. We also listed the three most cited references and the three most popular journal outlets per topic. Our research suggests that future effort may be devoted to Topics “urban inequalities, corporate social responsibility and public policy in connected capitalism”, “education and social inequality”, “community health intervention and social inequality in multicultural contexts” and “income inequality, labor market reform and industrial relations”.
Citation: Guo L, Li S, Lu R, Yin L, Gorson-Deruel A, King L (2018) The research topic landscape in the literature of social class and inequality. PLoS ONE 13(7): e0199510. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510
Editor: C. Mary Schooling, CUNY, UNITED STATES
Received: October 25, 2017; Accepted: June 9, 2018; Published: July 2, 2018
Copyright: © 2018 Guo et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
Data Availability: The data used in this article can be found in the Core Collection of Web of Science—Clarivate ( http://apps.webofknowledge.com/ ) by executing the following advanced search command: (TS="Social Class" OR TS="Social Classes" OR TS="Social Stratification" OR TS="Social Stratifications" OR TS="Social Inequality" OR TS="Social Inequalities") AND LANGUAGE: (English) AND DOCUMENT TYPES: (Article) Indexes=SSCI Timespan=1956-2017. More information can be found in the section of "Description of the Sample" in the article.
Funding: Liang Guo is supported by the Qilu Project of Shandong University, China. Ruodan Lu is supported by the British EPSRC DTA fund (DTA2014). Ariane Gorson-Deruel receives salary from Kantar TNS. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. The specific roles of these authors are articulated in the ‘author contributions’ section.
Competing interests: AGD is an employee of and receives salary from Kantar TNS, a marketing research firm. This does not alter our adherence to PLOS ONE policies on sharing data and materials.
Social stratification or social class refers to visible societal layers or classes of differing wealth, income, race, education or power [ 1 ]. Social stratification, social class and social inequality (hereafter social class and inequality) are often used interchangeably, all of which are the products of an unequally structured society in which identities are socially produced on a large scale [ 2 ]. As societies evolve, the number of layers can change, and the boundaries between them move. Mobility within and between classes and their persistence from one generation to another influences a society’s governance, customs, culture, identity, and social inequality perception [ 3 ]. Recent so-called “black swan events” (i.e. Donald Trump’ victory in the American election and the Brexit referendum) and the growth of populism in Europe are the vivid examples of how human society is transformed by the struggle between different social classes.
Social scientists have studied social class and inequality at length. In the 19th century, Marxian theories of stratification [ 4 ] considered social inequality as crucial to understand human society. The struggle between the exploited and exploiting classes would eventually lead to a political revolution, which would replace private monopolies by total equality (e.g. the Soviet Union and Communist China). In the early 20th century, Max Weber proposed the three-component theory of stratification, with class, status and power as distinct ideal types and social class manifests itself as unequal access to economic resources [ 5 ] In the late 20th century, Lenski [ 6 ] developed the theory of social stratification, further arguing that the accumulation of information, especially technological information, is the most basic and powerful factor in the evolution of human societies. Technological advances laid the foundations for social inequality in terms of power and wealth distribution.
Based on classic social theories, many studies have empirically examined the determinants and consequences of social class and inequality. Multidisciplinary knowledge in the field is not only diverse and insightful, but also fragmented and multifaceted. There is a pressing need for clear mapping of this ever more complex landscape to help researchers and students to conduct efficient, effective literature reviews. A comprehensive mapping of the field will help by providing an understanding of how it has evolved over time, shedding light on the points of consensus and divergences among scholars, while revealing research gaps in the intellectual structure of the field.
This study comprises a computer-based overview of the social class and inequality literature over the period of 1956–2017. First, we mapped out the topic landscape, and then attempted to anticipate hot topics that will generate seminal research in the future. As far as we know, this is the first systematic review of the field across many disciplines over seven decades and the first attempt to forecast topic prevalence in this literature. Our first contribution lies in uncovering a hidden structure of 25 distinct topics and development trajectories in a corpus comprising the abstracts of 14,038 scholarly articles. This study draws on an unprecedentedly large text corpus that includes a broad range of author backgrounds, disciplinary influences and research focuses. Our study will enable researchers to explore not only topic development paths within the overall literature, but also the most salient articles in each individual topic. Our second contribution lies in forecasting the popularities of these 25 topics, based on each topic’s temporal idiosyncrasies which will help both researchers and journal editors to select promising research topics. In the next section, we briefly introduce topic modeling techniques and applications in modeling scientific literature. Then we describe our analyses and results. And finally, we discuss the implications of our work for scholars, journal editors, and practitioners.
A document can be represented as a vector of word term weights (i.e. features) from a set of terms (i.e. dictionary) and the topic of a document is made of a joint membership of terms which have a pattern of occurrence [ 7 ]. Early document clustering techniques employ the vector space modeling technique, which can calculate the similarity between two documents [ 8 ]. This technique fails to deal with the issues caused by synonymy (i.e. different words with similar or identical meanings) and polysemy (i.e. the words with different meanings in different contexts). Later, Latent Semantic Analysis (LSA) was developed in an effort to improve classification performance in document retrieval [ 9 ]. Like most topic modeling techniques, LSA starts from a pre-processing step, which cleans the corpus of a set of text documents and builds a document-term matrix for subsequent modeling. The cleaning procedures include tokenization (i.e. partitioning a text document into a list of tokens), stop-word removal (i.e. removing the words that are extremely common but are of little value in helping classifying documents, such as this, it, is), stemming and lemmatization (i.e. removing the ends of conjugated verbs or plural nouns while keeping the lemma, base or root form), and compound words (i.e. concatenating hyphenated words that describe one concept). The remaining words are used to construct a document-term-matrix (DTM). The DTM is a matrix where each row represents a document, each column represents a unique word, and each cell denotes the number of times a given word appears in a given document. Then, LSA reduces the DTM into a filtered DTM through singular value decomposition (SVD). Finally, LSA computes the similarity between text documents to pick the heist efficient related words. While computationally efficient, LSA fails to identify and distinguish between different contexts of word usage without recourse to a dictionary or thesaurus [ 10 ].
Backed by Bayesian statistics, Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) is developed to apply a probabilistic model to analyze word distributions in text documents and uncover topics in an automated fashion [ 7 , 11 ]. This generative modeling technique does not require prior categorization, labelling and annotation of the texts but reveals the invisible, latent topic structure through statistical procedures [ 12 ]. Instead, it follows the “bag-of-words” assumption to treat a document as a vector containing the count of each word type, regardless the order in which they appear. In a nutshell, LDA assumes that each document can be modelled as a mixture of topics, and each topic is a discrete probability distribution that defines how likely each word is to appear in a given topic. A document is then represented by a distribution of topic probabilities. It estimates the parameters in the distributions of word and of topics with Markov chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) simulations [ 7 ]. LDA then assigns topics to each document through a Dirichlet distribution of topics. Given a specific number of topics in a collection of text documents, the extent to which each topic (and its associated words) is represented in a specific document can be modelled by a latent variable model, where latent variables represent the topics and how each document in the collection manifests them [ 7 , 13 ]. In short, LDA discovers patterns of word use and connect patterns of similar use to estimate the posterior distribution of hidden variables, which represents the topic structure of the collection [ 12 , 13 ].
Recently, some LDA-based techniques have been proposed. For example, Correlated-Topic-Model (CTM) uses a logistic normal distribution to create relations among topics [ 13 ]. Supervised LDA [ 14 ] can introduce known label information into the topic discovery process. Labeled LDA (LLDA) [ 15 ] allows for multiple labels of documents and for the relation of labels to topics represents one-to-one mapping. Partially labeled LDA (PLLDA) [ 16 ] further extends LLDA to have latent topics missing from the given document labels.
LDA has been widely used to process otherwise unmanageably large volumes of text, identify the most salient topic in a single document, investigate similarities between documents, and uncover topic prevalence over time [ 11 , 13 , 17 ]. We summarize some recent applications of LDA in scientific topic discovery in Table 1 .
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.t001
We extracted article abstracts from the core collection of the Web of Science (WoS) database using the following criteria: articles published in English, whose topic terms (i.e. titles, abstracts and keywords) included “social stratification(s)”, “social class(es)” or “social inequality(ies)” in SSCI indexed journals over the period of 1956 to December 2017. The search found 15,057 articles. We deleted those without keywords and abstracts, leaving 14,038 articles in the collection. Among these articles, 67.11% belong to “social class(es)” alone, 23.60% to “social inequality(ies)” alone and 6.71% to “social stratification(s)” alone. There are 1.74% of articles that belong to both “social class(es)” and “social inequality(ies)”; 0.52% to “social class(es)” and “social stratification(s)”; and 0.26% to both “social inequality(ies)” and “social stratification(s)”. There are only 0.04% of articles that belong to three topic terms.
In addition, we built three time series in terms of annual article counts for these three terms respectively. The correlation coefficients between “social class(es)” and “social inequality(ies)” series is 0.87, between “social class(es)” and “social stratification(s)” series is 0.86, and between “social inequality(ies)” and “social stratification(s)” series is 0.97. These statistics confirm that the three topic themes are highly similar. They all reflect the types of social divisions envisaged by Marx and refer to groups defined by their relationship to ownership and control over the means of production, of labor and of distribution [ 18 ]. We did not include the term “social status” because it emphasizes the social distinctions caused not only by economic factors but also by cultural ones, which include denotative (what is), normative (what should be), and stylistic (how done) beliefs, shared by a group of individuals who have undergone a common historical experience and participate in an interrelated set of social structures [ 19 ].
Descriptive statistics.
Fig 1 depicts the yearly distribution of articles in terms of annual article counts and the percentage of our sample article counts to the total number of SSCI articles per year (hereafter, publication percentage). The field has grown substantially over the last seven decades. There were only 12 articles (0.04%) published in 1956, but this figure changed to 1,001(0.31%) in 2017. The average annual growth rate in the field reached 5.99%. A systematic change in both series of article count and of publication percentage can be identified over time. The year of 1991 is a change point in the field, as the growth rate in this year jumped from 16.71% in the previous year to 166.98%. And from 1991 onward, the publication percentage (mean = 0.24%, std. = 0.06%) was much higher than that in previous years (mean = 0.05%, std. = 0.02%).
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.g001
The authors of these articles are from 128 countries, especially USA (36.69%), UK (25.64%) and Canada (5.96%). The ten most frequent organizations in the sample are University College London (2.89%), Harvard University (2.05%), University of Michigan (1.91%), University of Helsinki (1.79%), University of Edinburgh (1.55%), University of Bristol (1.44%), University of Toronto (1.33%), Karolinska Institute (1.29%), University of Cambridge (1.28%), and University of Copenhagen (1.22%).
The articles spread in 112 WoS research areas. Table 2 summarizes Top 10 research areas, which account for around 93.33% of the sample articles. These articles were published in 2,495 journals, among which, Social Science Medicine , Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health , and European Journal of Public Health are the three most frequent outlets in the field (see Table 3 ).
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.t002
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.t003
We first built a corpus containing the titles, keywords, and abstracts of all sample articles. All texts were converted to lower case. We removed stop-words as well as punctuation based on the standard NLTK list and reduced the remaining words to their stems. We then used an algorithm developed by Wang, McCallum, & Wei [ 20 ] to replace n-grams with compound words in the text documents. To speed up the modelling process, we followed Blei and Lafferty [ 13 ], Hornik and Grun [ 21 ], and Antons et al [ 12 ] in including only the terms in a topic model whose term-frequency-inverse-document-frequency (tf-idf) values are just above the median of all tf-idf values of the entire vocabulary. These preprocessing procedures resulted in a DTM for further analyses.
We conducted LDA topic modeling analysis with the Genism package [ 22 ]. The first step was to perform a two-stage grid-search procedure [ 12 ] to find the optimal number of topics in our collection. We computed a model set of 3–103 topics in step of 10 (i.e. 3, 13, 23 ∆103), each of which repeats 30 times circumvent the impact of random resampling within LDA. Each model was evaluated by the semantic coherence score with the algorithms of Newman, Lau, Grieser, & Baldwin [ 23 ] and of Mimno, Wallach, Talley, Leenders, & McCallum [ 24 ]. A good topic model with the optimal number should make the semantic coherence score as large as possible [ 25 ]. The first-stage grid search procedure suggested that the semantic coherence score was the largest (-61.91) when number of topics k was three and the second largest (-99.81) when k was 33. Given that it is unlikely to categorize a large collection of articles like ours into just three topics, we decided the optimal number of topics of the first-stage grid search procedure as k first-stage = 33. Then we conducted the second-stage grid search procedure by computing a model set of k first-stage +/- 10 in step of one (i.e. 23, 24, 25,…,42, 43). The second stage procedure suggests that the topic coherence score reaches its maximum when the number of topics is 25. Then, we used Latent Semantic Analysis (LSA) to re-do the two-stage grid-search procedure for the sake of robustness check. The topic coherence scores of LSA were also shown in Fig 2 , in which the best topic number seems to be 23 (see Fig 2 ). These results suggested that our collection of articles could be modelled into more than 20 but less than 30 topics. Note that LDA is proved to be more accurate and robust than LSA [ 7 ]. Therefore, we chose the result obtained from the LDA grid-search analysis (25).
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.g002
We assessed topic modeling quality in the following ways. Firstly, we plotted the distances of 25 topics in Fig 3 with the multidimensional scaling (MDS) method. Fig 3 confirms the high quality of the 25-topic model, as topics do not cluster but spread evenly through unit spaces.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.g003
Then, we computed the likelihood of each article covering each of the 25 topics with LDA. Note that LDA is a mix-membership model, which means that each document is represented as a mixture of a set of topics and each topic is regarded as a distribution over the words in the vocabulary [ 26 ]. We assigned each article to the dominant topic whose topic loading was the highest. We presented the topic modeling results in Table 4 . The values of the highest topic loadings of these articles range from 0.96 to 0.11 (mean = 0.56, std. = 0.14). Antons et al [ 12 ] argue that an article does not contain a meaningful topic if the loading to this topic is smaller than 0.10. Therefore, the highest topic loadings of all articles were valid.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.t004
Finally, we evaluated the level of topic diversity with the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI), which has been used in a commonly accepted measure of market or portfolio diversification. As a rule of thumb, a market with an HHI of less than 0.10 is a competitive or diverse marketplace, an HHI of 0.10 to 0.25 is a moderately concentrated marketplace, and an HHI of 0.25 or greater is a highly concentrated or monopolistic marketplace [ 27 ]. Analogically, for each article, we squared the topic loading of each topic, and then summing the resulting numbers, which can range from close to zero to one. We followed the same vein of market competition analysis to define that an article contains diverse topics if its HHI is smaller than 0.10; an article contains important topics if its HHI is of 0.10 to 0.18; an article contains a salient topic if its HHI is 0.18 or greater. If there are many articles of diverse topics, then the number of topics chosen may be problematic, as LDA fails to extract dominant topics that are distinct from other topics. We found that 57.71% of the articles are of a salient topic, 38.60 of a few important topics while only 3.69% are of diverse topics. The MDS, the analyses of topic loadings and of topic diversity provide solid supports to the fact that our LDA topic model with 25 topics is of high quality, as the significant topics hidden in each article have been successfully retrieved.
We manually labeled each topic in the following manner. Firstly, we downloaded the full texts of the 20 articles whose loadings were the highest within each topic and invited 50 graduate students to read them carefully. That is, each student read 20 randomly-chosen articles and each article was read by two students. Each student proposed a preliminary label for each topic. At the same time, the author team read the abstracts of the 50 highest loading articles per topic. Finally, the author team organized several workshops with the students to finalize the labels. For 21 of the 25 topics, the students suggested labels that were identical or highly similar to those generated by the author team. We discussed the four topics for which the labels assigned by the students and the author team differed significantly to reach a consensus on the most appropriate topic labels.
The number of articles per topic ranges from 252 to 1,172 (mean = 562.2, std. = 249.00). The three most prevalent topics are “globalization, modernization and social class evolution” (Topic 5), “education and social inequality” (Topic 9) and “urban inequality, corporate social responsibility and public policy in connected capitalism” (Topic 22), each of which contains more than 1,000 articles. The three least prevalent topics are “preventive health inequality” (Topic 4), “criminal justice, terrorism, lifestyle exposure and victimization in different social classes” (Topic 10), and “sociolinguistics and social inequality” (Topic 15), each of which contains fewer than or around 300 articles. In addition, “urban inequality, corporate social responsibility and public policy in connected capitalism” (Topics 22), “mortality and social inequality” (Topic 13), and “cancer and social inequality” (Topic 8) exhibit the three highest average loadings (>0.42), indicating that the articles covering these topics tend to be more similar than those covering relatively low-loading ones, for example, “social class schema and theoretical debates” (Topic 3, average loading = 0.26), “discrimination, social value, and gender and racial inequality” (Topic 7, average loading = 0.29) and “pathways of social inequality and psychosocial health” (Topic 25, average loading = 0.28).
Finally, we listed the three most cited references and the three most frequent outlets per topic in Tables 5 and 6 . These cited references and outlets can be regarded as the field’s principal knowledge sources. In general, Krieger, Williams, & Moss [ 28 ] has been cited in 12 topics, and Liberatos, Link, & Kelsey [ 29 ] in nine. Pierre Bourdieu’s work [ 30 , 31 ] is also extensively and widely cited in many topics. In addition, Social Science & Medicine is one of Top 3 outlets in 16 topics, Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health in 10 topics, and American Journal of Public Health in five topics.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.t005
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.t006
Given that the field in general has experienced substantial growth after 1991, we discussed the temporal dynamics of each topic in two periods (i.e. 1956–1990 and 1991–2017). We constructed 26 time series (i.e. the field and the 25 topics, shown in Fig 1 and S1 Fig ). The publication percentage of the field has grown significantly in both pre-1991 (mean = 3.03%) and post 1991 periods (mean = 9.12%). There are 16 topics that experienced a decline before 1991 but all of them strongly bounded up after 1991. For example, the publication percentage of “Cancer and social inequality” (Topic 8) shrink (on average -26.11% per year) before 1991 but expanded (on average 6.71% per year) in the second period. None of the 25 topics declined in the post-1991 period. In particular, “smoking, diet and active health promotion activities in different social classes” (Topic 20) has increased on average 54.94% per year, “heart disease, work environment and social inequality” (Topic 6) increased on average 39.61% and “education and social inequality” (Topic 9) increased on average 26.05%.
Some topics, such as “smoking, diet and active health promotion activities in different social classes” (Topic 20), “childhood social class and adulthood health” (Topic 21), and “preventive health inequality” (Topic 4), did not appear in the 1950s and 1960s. It was not until the 1990s that all 25 topics were present. “Social class schema and theoretical debates” (Topic 3) was prevalent in 1960s and 1970s but suddenly becomes much less popular in the following decades.
Then, we intended to identify the trends in the filed as a whole and in each topic using time series forecasting technique. We did not follow conventional trend analysis to employ linear and quadratic time trend regressions for the series of article counts. That is because, on the one hand, article count series usually exhibits strong autocorrelation, which manifests in correlated residuals after a regression model has been fit. The autocorrelation violates the standard assumption of independent errors [ 32 ]. On the other hand, article counts do not take the consistent growth in all SSCI publications over time into account, which makes the results obtained by regressions spurious. Therefore, we chose Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) technique. The AR part can be conceived as a linear regression on previous time series values and the MA part is conceptually regarded as a linear regression of the current value of the series against prior random shocks. The I (for “integrated”) part the data values have been replaced with the difference between their values and one or several previous values, which allow non-stationary series to be modeled. Explicitly catering to a suite of standard structures in time series data, ARIMA provides a simple yet powerful method for making skillful time series forecasts [ 33 ].
We constructed 26 time series and identified the appropriate ARIMA terms following the conventional Box-Jenkins Methodology [ 33 ]:
Firstly, we split a series into a training part (80%, i.e. 1956–2005) and a test part (20%, i.e. 2006–2017). We used the Augmented Dickey–Fuller test to identify the appropriate order of differencing (i.e. the d parameter) for the training series. Secondly, we specified the number of AR order with the partial autocorrelation function (PACF) plot for the training series. The PACF displays the autocorrelation of each lag of a series after controlling for the auto correlation caused by all preceding lags [ 34 ]. If there is a sharp drop in the PACF of a series after p lags, then an ARIMA model should include p autoregressive terms as the previous p -values are responsible for the autocorrelation in the series [ 35 ]. Thirdly, we specified the number of MA terms by plotting the ACF of the training series. If the ACF is non-zero for the first q lags and then drops toward zero, then an ARIMA model should include q MA terms [ 34 ]. Fourthly, we fitted an ARIMA with the identified order parameters (i.e. p , d , q ) to the training series. To verify the quality of this model, we plotted its residual to see whether it appears as entirely random white noise and conducted the Ljung-Box test to formally check whether the errors are uncorrelated across many lags [ 36 , 37 ]. Otherwise, we improved the model upon by removing all the remaining trend. Finally, we tested the improved model with the test series and computed the scores of RMSE, AIC and BIC.
To check the robustness of our ARIMA order specifications, we conducted a grid-search by estimating 1,125 ARIMA models with different combinations of orders (i.e. d = [0,5], p = [0,15], q = [0,15]). By comparing these models with the manually specified optimal model in terms of the Ljung-Box test of residuals, AIC and BIC, the ARIMA grid-search results confirm that our order specifications were indeed optimal (i.e. the Ljung-Box test is statistically insignificant and the values of RMSE, AIC and BIC are minimum). Results were summarized in Table 7 and S1 Fig .
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.t007
We employed the optimized ARIMA models to forecast the publication percentages of the field and of each topic for the next ten years (i.e. 2018–2027) respectively. The forecast average annual growth rate was used as the indicator of future topic prevalence (see Table 7 ). The field may continue to expand in the next decade, as its annual growth rate will be 2.51%, suggesting that the field of social class and inequality will consistently attract significant attention in multidisciplinary research communities. We classified the 25 topics into three categories using the following criteria: hot topics for those whose forecast annual growth rates are higher than or equal to the one of the field (i.e. 2.51%), stable topics for those whose rates are positive or equal to zero but smaller than the one of the field, and cold topics for those whose rates are negative. There are three hot topics, eight stable topics and 14 cold topics. We discussed these findings in the next section.
The aim of this study is to provide a systematic review of social class and inequality research over the last seven decades: its evolution, topic landscape, and dynamics. Our topic modelling analyses considerably enhance understanding of the hidden structure of 25 distinct topics covering the overall development in the field. In addition, our analysis of topic dynamics reveals the highly fluctuated nature of the field’s content structure. Our forecasting results suggest that while in general, the field will continue to attract more attention, 14 topics may lose their popularities. In particular, “skeletal, dental and cranial anthropology and social stratification throughout history” (Topic 2) will dramatically shrink -241.18%, followed by “sociolinguistic research and social inequality (Topic 15, -20.01%) and “preventive health inequality” (Topic 4, -6.50%). These findings seem to be reasonable, given that the three topics are not mainstream in the field, all of which took up less than 2.5% of the articles respectively.
In addition, the 25 topics can be roughly divided into two categories. The 15 medicine-related research topics dominate the field, comprising 54.86% of the articles. This is not surprising, given that healthcare, the sociology of illness, and the social organization of medicine are among the fastest growing areas of modern research. Studies in these topics use core principles and concepts of medical sociology to elucidate the determinants and consequences of various types of illness and wellness (e.g. oral health, prenatal care and psychology). These articles have extensively examined the socioeconomic risk factors of health and their iatrogenic repercussions. Such research contributes to the field of social class and inequality by exploring the social meaning of illness, by examining the issue of care-taking as well as care-giving actions related to familial, community and governmental responsibilities, and by deconstructing health inequalities grounded in social stratifications. Our research suggests that in general, the research in these topics has substantially grown and matured, because that the forecast annual growth rates of many medicine-related research topics are either negative or close to zero. That is probably because many studies have reached a consensus that the problems of access to health care, inequality in medical coverage, and the influence of oppressive social structures make ‘health’ impossible for many people confined in an unfavorable class position [ 38 ]. Future efforts may be devoted to “community health, intervention and social inequality in multicultural contexts” (Topic 14), whose forecast annual growth rate will reach 8.53%.
The second category of work in our collection is social sciences-oriented, focusing on topics related to education inequality, social structure evolution, the impact of globalization, business development and public policies. There may be research gaps in “education and social inequality” (Topic 9, whose forecast annual growth rate will be 3.69%) and “income inequality, labor market reform and industrial relations” (Topic 16, whose forecast annual growth rate will be 1.63%). Growing inequality is regarded as one of the most important developments in today’s industrial relations. This phenomenon has been most pronounced in the West, where rising support for populism has disrupted politics and challenged corporate capitalism in many countries [ 39 ]. Future research may give special attention to emerging forms of organizational restructuring and labor market institutions, such as trade union power, wage regulations and the influence of the Artificial Intelligence-based fourth industrial revolution.
In conclusion, this study applies LDA topic modelling to structure a large text corpus effectively. By doing so, we enable researchers to examine the detailed profile of each topic and estimate its relative salience. By describing the whole body of knowledge at a relatively granular level, we contribute to a rich understanding of the field’s topic landscape. As such, researchers can appreciate the full range of topics and select those they wish to examine in depth. In addition, our topic landscape informs social class and inequality teaching and course design. Instructors can identify important topics to cover in a course, and include relevant articles associated with each topic. Our study also helps postgraduate students and junior researchers identify which research topics to examine. Finally, our findings have many meaningful implications for journal editors. They can compare the field’s current topic landscape against their journal’s editorial priorities, and thus choose promising topics to be reflected in the composition of the editorial board or promoted through special issues.
However, our study may be of some limitations. Our sample articles were collected from WoS. Although it is probably the single most authoritative source for “high-impact” publications and has a relatively better coverage of social sciences and arts/humanities than other academic databases, WoS focuses mainly mainstream journals and articles, especially those in English. As a result, our analyses excluded articles published in emerging journals, in non-English languages and other types of publications (e.g. books, conference papers, technical reports, theses and dissertations). Future studies may collect publication records from Google Scholar, as it covers book contents along with other freely-accessible online publications. In addition, we did not take the correlations between topics into account so that we cannot forecast how the values of one topic will be correlated with those of other topics. Future work may employ multivariate time series methods to capture the associations between topic time series. Finally, we did not specify forecasting models with any external bibliometric factors that may correlate with the growth or decline of a topic time series. Future work should investigate bibliometric determinants of topic dynamics.
S1 fig. the temporal trajectories of 25 topics..
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199510.s001
⭐ top 10 social justice issues to write about, 🏆 best social justice topic ideas & essay examples, ⭐ simple & easy social justice essay titles, 📌 most interesting social justice topics to write about, 👍 good social justice research topics, ❓ research questions about social justice.
Social justice essays are an excellent tool for demonstrating your awareness of the current issues in society.
Inequality in society should be addressed, and social justice advocates are at the forefront of such initiatives. Everyone should be able to achieve their goals and dreams if they put in the effort, assuming of course that reaching that target is at all possible.
To that end, you should ask various social justice essay questions and investigate different situations, particularly those that surround marginalized communities.
While the civil rights movement has succeeded in eliminating discriminatory policies and gender segregation, people should remain vigilant so that inequality again.
There are many topics you can discuss in your essay, but is better to focus on something specific and conduct a detailed investigation. It is easy to take some examples of data that shows a situation that seems unequal and declare that the system is flawed.
However, the data may be inaccurate, and the causes may be different from what you initially perceive them to be. Many fields will be too small for statistic laws to apply, and so there will be a temporary prevalence of people with a specific trait.
Declarations of premature conclusions and calls to action based on these conjectures are not productive and will generally lead to harm.
Be sure to consider evidence from both sides when discussing the topic of injustice, especially in its sensitive applications.
The case of police officers and the racial disparity in arrests is a prominent example, as there is significant disagreement, and neither side can be considered entirely correct.
At other times, unequal treatments may be explained by racial and gender differences without the application of discriminatory practices, particularly with regards to cultural practices.
The importance of justice is above debate, but it is not always about declaring one side correct while the other is wrong and at fault. Humanity operates best when it is unified and follows the same purpose of fairness.
Lastly, try to avoid confusing equality with equity, as the two social justice essay topics are significantly different. The former involves similar starting conditions and opportunities for all people, though they will likely achieve varying successes in life.
The latter means equality of outcomes, meaning that the unsuccessful receive support, which logically has to come at the expense of those who succeed.
You may support either position, with equality being a more traditional concept that seems logical to many people and equity being considered effective at improving the conditions of marginalized communities. However, make your position clear, as the difference is critical and informs your personal concept of social justice.
Here are some additional tips for your paper:
Visit IvyPanda to find more social justice essay examples and other useful paper samples to boost your creative process!
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Introduction Gender inequality is a broad topic that can be examined in many different aspects. Today, Gender inequality is a huge issue, and this issue should be addressed, and we should act. I feel that it is very unfair how men and women get treated unequally. A woman and a male can work the same […]
Introduction Gender inequality isn’t just a female issue but a human issue. “All men are created equal,” once said Thomas Jefferson, a contributor to the Declaration of Independence. Gender inequality is a prominent issue here in America. Strikes, boycotts, and rallies regarding gender inequality try to urge people to take a stand and fight against […]
Introduction Sports Equality. Do girls qualify as athletes? Are female sports considered a sport to all? Mariana De Paula Silva wrote on Athletes Network, “Female athletes have to deal with sexist comments coming especially from men who think these female athletes aren’t strong or talented enough to perform well” (2016). Why should female sports be […]
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Introduction Gender-based violence can be defined as “violence that is directed against a person because of their gender,” according to the European Institute for Gender Equality. The website states that “both women and men experience gender-based violence, but the majority of victims are women and girls.” Forms and Impact of Gender-Based Violence Although it is […]
Introduction to the Gender Pay Gap: Understanding its basis and significance Pay inequality in the workplace, or what is also known as the gender pay gap, is generally the comparative measure of looking at the position of a woman in the workforce in terms of what she earns for a particular job. There has been […]
In the 1920s, women earned the right to vote. In the 1960s, women entered the workforce. In the 1970s, women had Roe vs. Wade passed. It’s 2017, and yet women still don’t get paid the same amount as men. The gender wage gap is a blatant act of sexism in which women get paid 80 […]
Currently, female employees make 18% less per hour and 36% less per week than their comparable male colleagues, and, astoundingly, in many companies, there is also a bonus pattern that favors men. This is simply not acceptable. Women have the right to be paid equally to their male colleagues. The fact that there is a […]
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Towards energy equity: understanding and addressing multifaceted energy inequality.
2. theoretical basis, 3. results of the theoretical background, 4. outcomes of the empirical research, 5. discussion, 6. conclusions, author contributions, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.
Click here to enlarge figure
Steps | Outcomes | Methods | |
---|---|---|---|
PSALSAR Framework | Protocol | Defined study scope | Only publications included in the Web of Science database that cover the period from 2019 to 2023. |
Search | Define the search strategy | Identification of search steps that contain a systematic description of successive actions for efficient information retrieval. | |
Appraisal | Selecting studies | Defining inclusion and exclusion criteria. | |
Synthesis | Categorize the data | Preparation of data through categorization based on iterative definitions to facilitate subsequent analysis. | |
Analysis | Data analysis | The extracted data is subjected to quantitative categories, descriptions, and narrative analyses. | |
Report | Results and discussion | Based on the analysis, trends are highlighted, gaps identified, and results compared, from which conclusions and recommendations can be derived. |
Journal | Number of Articles | Share |
---|---|---|
Environmental Science and Pollution Research | 8 | 15.69% |
Energy Policy | 4 | 7.84% |
Energies | 3 | 5.88% |
Energy Research & Social Science | 3 | 5.88% |
Nature Energy | 3 | 5.88% |
Energy Economics | 2 | 3.92% |
Energy Strategy Reviews | 2 | 3.92% |
Environmental Research Letters | 2 | 3.92% |
Journal of Environmental Management | 2 | 3.92% |
PLoS One | 2 | 3.92% |
Competition & Change | 1 | 1.96% |
Contemporary Economic Policy | 1 | 1.96% |
Economic Change and Restructuring | 1 | 1.96% |
Energy Efficiency | 1 | 1.96% |
Energy Reports | 1 | 1.96% |
Environment and Planning B Urban Analytics and City Science | 1 | 1.96% |
European Physical Journal- Special Topics | 1 | 1.96% |
Frontiers in Public Health | 1 | 1.96% |
Frontiers in Sociology | 1 | 1.96% |
Industrial and Corporate Change | 1 | 1.96% |
Innovation- the European Journal of Social Science Research | 1 | 1.96% |
International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction | 1 | 1.96% |
International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health | 1 | 1.96% |
Journal of Asian Finance Economics and Business | 1 | 1.96% |
Journal of Quantitative Economics | 1 | 1.96% |
Nature Communications | 1 | 1.96% |
Renewable Energy | 1 | 1.96% |
Resources Basel | 1 | 1.96% |
Sustainability | 1 | 1.96% |
Sustainable Cities and Society | 1 | 1.96% |
Key Information | Meta-Indicator | Description |
---|---|---|
Bibliometric information | Authors, titles, publication date, etc. | - |
Research topics, keywords, purpose, findings, etc. | - | |
Publication types | Research articles or review articles. | |
Research scales | Global, regional, national, or local. | |
Geographic locations | Differentiated by region (Europe, North America, South America, Australia, Asia, Africa, or global). | |
Model information | Model types and methods used | - |
Model spatial range | Global, regional, national, or local. | |
Model purposes | Ex-ante analysis, ex-post analysis, relationships exploration. | |
Dimensions | Dimensions (approaches) through which energy inequality is assessed. | |
Indicators | Indicators (variables) proposed to measure energy inequality. |
Model Purpose | Number of Articles | Share |
---|---|---|
Ex-post analysis | 25 | 49.02% |
Relationship exploration | 20 | 39.22% |
Ex-ante analysis | 6 | 11.76% |
Model Spatial Range | Number of Articles | Share |
---|---|---|
National | 20 | 39.22% |
Global | 14 | 27.45% |
Regional | 14 | 27.45% |
Local | 3 | 5.88% |
Geographic Locations | Number of Articles | Share |
---|---|---|
Global | 19 | 37.25% |
Asia | 17 | 33.33% |
Europe | 7 | 13.73% |
North America | 3 | 5.88% |
South America | 3 | 5.88% |
Africa | 2 | 3.92% |
The Share of the Target Audience’s Response | Yes | No |
---|---|---|
Gender-specific disparities (%) | ||
Men | 63.3% | 36.7% |
Women | 50.0% | 50.0% |
Age-related disparities (%) | ||
Under 29 | 69.6% | 30.4% |
30–39 | 70.9% | 29.1% |
40–49 | 65.8% | 34.2% |
50–59 | 53.7% | 46.3% |
60–69 | 46.7% | 53.3% |
71 and over | 42.5% | 57.5% |
Demographic groups-related disparities (%) | ||
Single | 67.8% | 32.2% |
Married | 60.6% | 39.4% |
Living unmarried | 63.6% | 36.4% |
Divorced | 44.0% | 56.0% |
Widow | 35.9% | 64.1% |
Area of residence-related disparities (%) | ||
Vilnius | 64.1% | 35.9% |
Kaunas | 62.9% | 37.1% |
Klaipeda | 92.3% | 7.7% |
Siauliai | 25.0% | 75.0% |
Panevezys | 46.9% | 53.1% |
Smalls town | 51.2% | 48.8% |
Rural areas | 50.9% | 49.1% |
The Share of the Target Audience’s Response | A Burden | Not a Burden | Not Specified |
---|---|---|---|
Gender-specific disparities (%) | |||
Men | 64.9% | 35.1% | |
Women | 73.5% | 26.3% | 0.2% |
Age-related disparities (%) | |||
Under 29 | 55.4% | 44.6% | |
30–39 | 61.5% | 38.5% | |
40–49 | 63.7% | 35.8% | 0.5% |
50–59 | 66.5% | 33.5% | |
60–69 | 78.5% | 21.5% | |
71 and over | 80.2% | 19.9% | |
Demographic groups-related disparities (%) | |||
Single | 63.3% | 36.7% | |
Married | 66.4% | 33.6% | |
Living unmarried | 66.3% | 33.7% | |
Divorced | 76.0% | 23.2% | 0.8% |
Widow | 83.1% | 16.9% | |
Area of residence-related disparities (%) | |||
Vilnius | 58.4% | 41.1% | 0.5% |
Kaunas | 82.8% | 17.2% | |
Klaipeda | 59.6% | 40.4% | |
Siauliai | 83.3% | 16.7% | |
Panevezys | 71.9% | 28.1% | |
Smalls town | 65.9% | 34.1% | |
Rural areas | 75.2% | 24.8% |
The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content. |
Volodzkiene, L.; Streimikiene, D. Towards Energy Equity: Understanding and Addressing Multifaceted Energy Inequality. Energies 2024 , 17 , 4500. https://doi.org/10.3390/en17174500
Volodzkiene L, Streimikiene D. Towards Energy Equity: Understanding and Addressing Multifaceted Energy Inequality. Energies . 2024; 17(17):4500. https://doi.org/10.3390/en17174500
Volodzkiene, Lina, and Dalia Streimikiene. 2024. "Towards Energy Equity: Understanding and Addressing Multifaceted Energy Inequality" Energies 17, no. 17: 4500. https://doi.org/10.3390/en17174500
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106 Social Inequality Essay Topic Ideas & Examples. Social inequality is a pervasive issue that affects individuals and communities across the globe. From economic disparities to racial discrimination, there are countless aspects of society that contribute to unequal opportunities and outcomes for different groups of people.
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