write a short essay on seals and script of mesopotamia

Ancient Near East Seal Collection

Mesopotamian Cylinder Seal Inscriptions

Terri Tanaka, University of California, Berkeley

Ancient Near Eastern seals are best known for their wide iconographic repertoire, from geometric designs to animals to human figures to scenes. However, on occasion, the seals also contained writing. In Mesopotamia, the inscription was written using the cuneiform script. Cuneiform, one of the earliest known writing systems, is characterized by its wedge-shaped marks. The inscription, known from either the physical seal itself or its impression in clay, contained different types of information, which, in combination with the context in which the seal was used, gives us insights into the lives and cultural practices of the people who utilized them. The type of information found on a seal, the significance of the information, and whether there is a relationship between the inscription and the image on a seal will be discussed using examples from the Sargonic (2334–2154 BCE), Ur III (2112–2004 BCE), Old Babylonian (2000–1600 BCE), and Kassite (1595–1155 BCE) periods.

Type of Information Contained in a Seal’s Inscription

Adda scribe

Waqrum son of Shamash-naṣir servant of Nimintabba 2

At Ur, Nimintabba was a minor female deity, one of the “standing gods” at the temple of Sîn who were responsible for guarding the libations and food offerings. 3

At the word of Marduk May its [the seal’s] bearer remain in good health. 4

Ninlil, lady of the lands, in the bed of (the one who holds) the status of the head of your household, in the chamber of your (sexual) charms, with Enlil, [your?] beloved, intercede for me, the shatammu-official of Ninmah, Mili-Shipak. 5

Although the owner of the seal, Mili-Shipak, serves in a professional capacity in the temple of Ninmah (one of the mother goddesses), he appeals to the goddess Ninlil to intercede on his behalf with her husband, Enlil, who is one of the supreme gods of the Mesopotamian pantheon.

Significance of the Information on a Seal

What can the information contained on a seal tell us? During the Old Babylonian period a person’s name, his father’s name, and an entity that the person was devoted to was the essential information about an individual’s identity. If the entity that the person was devoted to was a deity, the deity would have usually been a minor deity who was worshiped in the neighborhood or part of the city in which the owner lived, giving that person a local identity. 6 It would be inaccurate to call the deity someone’s “personal god,” however. An individual did not pick a god to worship; this would have been the same god that his father, grandfather, and other ancestors also worshiped. One example comes from the city-state of Nippur. Both Imgur-Sîn and his son Ipqu-Damu are identified as servants of Damu, a god of healing. 7

Iddin-Shamash Son of IZ-ZA-AK-KA-AN Servant of Shamshi-Adad

Here, the inscription identifies the owner of the seal, Iddin-Shamash, his father’s name (IZ-ZA-AK-KA-AN), and the one he serves (Shamshi-Adad). Based on the style of the images on the seal—a female deity appearing as a supplicant before a royal figure—Shamshi-Adad probably refers to Shamshi-Adad I, who ruled various parts of northern Mesopotamia from 1809 to 1776 BCE. Here, Shamshi-Adad, a king, takes the expected place of a deity as the one whom the owner of the seal served. Were kings thought to be divine? 8 In Mesopotamia, while all kings were considered sacred, divine kingship was a rare phenomenon and came about as a result of highly specific historical circumstances. Naram-Sîn, the fourth king of the Dynasty of Akkade (2334–2154 BCE), was the first self-proclaimed divine king. He had himself declared divine shortly after the so-called Great Rebellion, which threatened the Akkadian Empire. 9 Divine kingship didn’t appear again until the Ur III period. King Ur-Namma was mortally wounded in battle, which would have been considered a cosmic tragedy because it indicated divine displeasure and the king’s loss of favor with the gods. Ur-Namma’s successor, Shulgi, was able to hold the kingdom together by reinventing himself as the brother of the legendary king Gilgamesh, who was himself the son of the royal hero Lugalbanda and the goddess Ninsumuna, and a few of Shulgi’s successors continued the tradition of divine kingship. 10

Shalim-palih-Marduk Son of Sîn-gamil, shangûm of Shamash, Servant of Marduk

Here, Shalim-palih-Marduk is identified as both the shangûm of Shamash (his profession—a shangûm works in a temple, in this case, the temple of Shamash, the sun god) and as a servant of Marduk, the city god of Babylon. Thus, since he has a professional affiliation to one deity, Shamash, and is also identified as the servant of another deity, Marduk, “servant of” cannot also indicate a professional affiliation and must therefore indicate some sort of personal devotion. 11 The fact that an individual could be identified as both a servant of a king and a servant of a deity also supports this interpretation, since it is unlikely that an individual could work in two such different professional capacities at the same time. On one seal impression, Balmunamhe, the son of Sîn-nur-matim, is identified as the servant of Warad-Sîn, who ruled the city-state of Larsa from approximately 1770 to 1758 BCE. 12 On another seal impression, Balmunamhe is identified as the servant of the god Enki and another deity whose name is missing. 13 The name of this missing deity is probably Damgalnunna, Enki’s wife. Thus, while a “servant” of a deity has a personal devotion to that deity, a “servant” of a king may in fact work as part of the palace administration.

Sharkalisharri strong king of Agade Tudasharlibish beloved of the king Dada shabra of the house son of . . .

The image contains a man standing before a seated woman, who is depicted on a much larger scale than the man. The inscription is written in four separate boxes or cases. The case containing the name Tudasharlibish, who is the wife of Sharkalisharri, is placed directly behind the seated woman, while the case containing the name Dada is behind the man. This very carefully planned seal seems to depict the relationship between the seal owner and the woman he serves.

Studying groups of seals or seal impressions can also tell us more about the owner of the seal. On occasion, we have evidence that an individual made use of more than one seal in his or her lifetime. During the Ur III period, this could happen in two circumstances: 1) if an individual to whom a seal was dedicated died or retired; 2) if the owner of the seal advanced in his career and his position or profession changed. 16 For example, Ur-Lisi used at least two different seals. 17 One is dedicated to Shulgi (reigned 2094–2047 BCE). 18 The other is dedicated to Amar-Sîn (reigned 2047–2038 BCE). 19 Since Ur-Lisi was the governor of Umma—an important city in southern Mesopotamia—from the thirty-fifth year of Shulgi’s reign to the eighth year of Amar-Sîn’s reign, it is apparent why he needed the different seals.

One particularly interesting set of seals belonged to Ninḫilia, the wife of Ayakala, the man who succeeded Ur-Lisi as governor of Umma. Before her husband became governor, her seal identified her as “Ninḫilia, wife of Ayakala, son of Ur-Damu,” while her later seal identified her as “Ninḫilia, wife of Ayakala, ensi [governor] of Umma.” 20 These seals are known from their impressions on various documents from this period. 21 Ninḫilia sealed these documents on receipt of various goods, including wool, dyes, cedar, fragrances, leather, chairs, and shoes. 22 These documents suggest that she was engaging in important economic transactions even before her husband became governor. Women could also hold other important positions. For example, we know that Shulgi-simti, wife of King Shulgi, was in charge of managing a livestock park at Puzrish-Dagan. 23

The information on the seal can also inform us about sealing practices. Under certain circumstances, someone other than the owner of the seal used it to seal documents. During the Ur III period, a letter explained that it was not sealed as expected because “the seal of the sukkal-mah (chancellor) was not available.” 24 This implies that a subordinate could use his superior’s seal when acting on his superior’s behalf. 25 An individual could also use a seal belonging to a relative. During the Old Babylonian period, a scribe by the name of Sîn-nadin-shumi used the seal of his father, Ipiq-Aya, before finally acquiring a seal of his own. 26

Sometimes, however, the significance of the information contained in the inscription is unclear. One unpublished seal in the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History (A207911) simply contains the names of two deities: Nusku and Ninshubur. There is no apparent relation between the two deities on the seal, however. Both are minor deities that function as ministers to more important deities (Nusku to Enlil and Ninshubur to Ishtar). Thus, the reason for the mention of Nusku and Ninshubur on the seal is uncertain.

Is there a relationship between the image on the seal and the text?

In general, there appears to be very little correlation between the image on the seal and the inscription. In the seal belonging to Adda (Fig. 4), several deities are depicted: an unidentified hunting god, a winged Ishtar, Shamash (the sun god) rising from between two mountains, Enki (the god of underground water and magic) with streams of water containing fish coming out of his shoulders, and Isimu, Enki’s two-faced minister. It is unclear what connection, if any, Adda had to any of the gods.

“Presentation seals”—seals presented by a king to an individual—however, are a narrow category of seals that might be an exception in having a connection between the image on the seal and its inscription. These seals list the name and titles of the king, the individual to whom it was presented, and the statement “to his servant, he presented.” In general, these seals depict both the king and the owner of the seal. 27 For example, the seal impressed on one tablet identifies the seal as having been presented to Babati by the king Shu-Sîn (reigned 1972–1964 BCE). 28 The image appears to be of an individual standing in front of a seated king. 29

Our knowledge about inscriptions on seals is not uniform across time and space; a lot of work remains to be done. The little information that we do have about seal inscriptions, however, gives us a tantalizing glimpse into the lives, culture, and practices of people in the ancient Near East.

Bibliography

Brinkman, J. A. “The Western Asiatic Seals Found at Thebes in Greece: A Preliminary Edition of the Inscriptions.” Archiv für Orientforschung 28 (1981/82): 73–77.

Charpin, Dominique. Le clergé d’Ur au siècle d’Hammurabi. Geneva and Paris: Libraire Droz, 1986.

———. “Les Divinités Familiales des Babyloniens d’après de leurs sceaux-cylindres.” In De la Babylonie à la Syrie en passant par Mari. Mélanges offerts à Monsieur J.-R. Kupper à l’occasion de son 70e anniversaire, edited by Ö. Tunca, 59–78. Liège: University of Liège, 1990.

Franke, Judith A. “Presentation Seals of the Ur III/Isin-Larsa Period.” In Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East, edited by McGuire Gibson and Robert D. Biggs. Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1977.

Michalowski, Piotr. “The Mortal Kings of Ur: A Short Century of Divine Rule in Ancient Mesopotamia.” In Religion and Power: Divine Kingship in the Ancient World and Beyond, edited by Nicole Brisch. Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 2008.

Parr, P. A. “A Letter of Ur-Lisi, Governor of Umma.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 24 (1972): 135–36.

———. “Ninḫilia: Wife of Ayakala, Governor of Umma.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 26 (1974): 90–111.

Sharlach, Tonia M. “Šulgi-simti and the Representation of Women in Historical Sources.” In Ancient Near Eastern Art in Context. Studies in Honor of Irene J. Winter by Her Students, edited by Jack Cheng and Marian H. Feldman, 363–68. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007.

Steinkeller, Piotr. “Seal Practice in the Ur III Period.” In Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East, edited by McGuire Gibson and Robert D. Biggs, 41–53. Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1977.

van der Toorn, Karel. Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria, and Israel: Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life. Leiden and New York: E. J. Brill, 1996.

van Koppen, Frans. “The Scribe of the Flood Story and His Circle.” In The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture, 140–66. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.

Whiting, Robert M. “Tiš-atal of Nineveh and Babati, Uncle of Šu-Sin.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 28 (1976): 173–82.

Zettler, Richard L. “The Sargonic Royal Seal: A Consideraton of Sealing in Mesopotamia.” In Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East, edited by McGuire Gibson and Robert D. Biggs, 33–39. Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1977.

1 Karel van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria, and Israel: Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life (Leiden and New York: E. J. Brill, 1996), 66.

2 This impression was published by Dominique Charpin, Le clergé d’Ur au siècle d’Hammurabi (Geneva and Paris: Libraire Droz, 1986), 147.

3 Ibid., 147, 285.

4 For an edition of this text, see J. A. Brinkman, “The Western Asiatic Seals Found at Thebes in Greece: A Preliminary Edition of the Inscriptions,” Archiv für Orientforschung 28 (1981/82): 75.

5 For an edition of this text, see ibid.

6 van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia , 66.

7 As noted by Dominique Charpin, “Les Divinités Familiales des Babyloniens d’après de leurs sceaux-cylindres,” in De la Babylonie à la Syrie en passant par Mari. Mélanges offerts à Monsieur J.-R. Kupper à l’occasion de son 70e anniversaire , ed. Ö. Tunca (Liège: University of Liège, 1990), 65–66.

8 As argued by van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia , 66.

9 Piotr Michalowski, “The Mortal Kings of Ur: A Short Century of Divine Rule in Ancient Mesopotamia,” in Religion and Power: Divine Kingship in the Ancient World and Beyond , ed. Nicole Brisch, Oriental Institute Seminars (Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 2008), 34.

10 Ibid., 35–40.

11 van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia , 66–67.

12 This impression was published by Charpin, 49. It reads: [Bal]munamh[e] [Son of] Sîn-nur-ma[tim] [Servant of Warad]- S[în]

13 YOS 12, 67 reads: Balmu[nam]he Scribe Son of Sîn-nur-ma[tim] Servant of Enk[i] and […]

14 Richard L. Zettler, “The Sargonic Royal Seal: A Consideraton of Sealing in Mesopotamia,” in Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East , ed. McGuire Gibson and Robert D. Biggs, Bibliotheca Mesopotamica (Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1977), 31–38.

15 Ibid., 33–36.

16 Piotr Steinkeller, “Seal Practice in the Ur III Period,” in Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East , ed. McGuire Gibson and Robert D. Biggs, Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 6 (Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1977), 46.

17 As noted by P. A. Parr, “A Letter of Ur-Lisi, Governor of Umma,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 24 (1972): 135.

18 TCS 1, 190

19 TCS 1, 140

20 Drawings of the impressions of these seals were published by P.A. Parr, “Ninḫilia: Wife of Ayakala, Governor of Umma,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 26 (1974): 111.

21 Her earlier seal impression is known from its appearance on a tablet in the British Museum, BM 107558. Her later seal impression is used on various tablets, including HMA 9-02738, located in the Hearst Museum at the University of California, Berkeley.

22 Ibid., 93–99.

23 See Tonia M. Sharlach, “Šulgi-simti and the Representation of Women in Historical Sources,” in Ancient Near Eastern Art in Context. Studies in Honor of Irene J. Winter by Her Students , ed. Jack Cheng and Marian H. Feldman (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007).

24 TCS 1, 215.

25 As suggested by Steinkeller, “Seal Practice,” 44.

26 Frans van Koppen, “The Scribe of the Flood Story and His Circle,” in The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 157–58.

27 Judith A. Franke, “Presentation Seals of the Ur III/ Isin-Larsa Period,” in Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East , ed. McGuire Gibson and Robert D. Biggs (Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1977), 64–65.

28 TA 1931-T615

29 Robert M. Whiting, “Tiš-atal of Nineveh and Babati, Uncle of Šu-Sin,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 28 (1976): 178–79.

Leaving an Impression: Revealing the Intricate Story of Sumerian Cylinder Seals

• Read Later  

A cylinder seal is a small cylindrical object with images, words, or both, engraved onto it. Sumerian cylinder seals would be rolled over wet clay to make an impression. When the clay dried, a seal would be formed. These seals were used for a number of different purposes in Sumer, including for the transaction of business, decoration, and correspondence. Sometimes the images presented on the seal could be quite complex and beautiful. Cylinder seals were used by various cultures in the ancient Near East, including the Sumerians, Akkadians, Hittites, and Persians.

Materials and Uses of Sumerian Cylinder Seals

According to some scholars, cylinder seals were first used in Syria between the 8th and 7th millennium BC. Others, however, disagree, arguing that they were invented in Sumer (in modern Iraq) around the 4th millennium BC. Some scholars have argued that stamp seals preceded cylinder seals, whilst others propose that the two were used contemporaneously.

Sumerian cylinder seals were usually made of stone (both common and semi-precious stones), such as amethyst, obsidian, hematite, and lapis lazuli (preferred for the beauty of the blue stone). Nevertheless, other materials, including glass, ceramics, gold, silver, wood, bone, and ivory, have also been used to produce these objects in the ancient world.

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A Neo-Sumerian (circa. 2150 -2000 BC) hematite cylinder seal depicting the presentation of a worshiper to a seated deity. An interceding goddess in a tiered dress leads the worshiper, who holds one hand before his face in a pious gesture. The three-line inscription records the seal owner's name and occupation: "Lugal-dugedu, the scribe, son of Ur-dingira." ( Walters Art Museum )

Sumerian cylinder seals were used for various purposes. For example, these seals could have holes drilled into them, so that they could then be used as a sort of necklace, or pinned onto a garment. One example of this type of Sumerian cylinder seal was found on the skeletal remains of Queen Puabi in the Royal Cemetery of Ur. The queen’s seal also had a gold cap, which was fastened on to one end of the cylinder with bitumen. The cylinder seal, as well as its gold cap, would have been worn by the queen as a display of her high status. Some Sumerian cylinder seals were also used as amulets to ward off evil spirits and to bring luck and prosperity to their wearers.

Cylinder-seal of the "Lady" or "Queen" (Sumerian NIN) Puabi, c. 2600 BC. Banquet scene, typical of the Early Dynastic Period. (Nic McPhee/ CC BY SA 2.0 )

Apart from being status symbols and amulets, Sumerian cylinder seals also had practical uses. For example, they were used as a kind of signature for documents, which were in the form of clay tablets. By using the seal to make an impression on a piece of wet clay tablet, a person may certify that the said document is genuine. This need for the authentication of documents occurred with a rise in bureaucracy, which happened in Mesopotamia, especially in the southern part, where it was more complex, during the 4th millennium BC. In business / trade, cylinder seals could be used to ensure that stored goods were not tampered with or stolen. Thus, impressions made by cylinder seals have been found on clay used to seal storage jars or the doors of storage rooms on ancient Sumer.

Before the writing was added, this tablet, a receipt, was marked with a cylinder seal dated to the reign of King Shulgi of Ur. Still visible is a typical Sumerian (Ur III) depiction of a standing figure of a worshiper with one hand raised, and three lines of an inscription with the name of a scribe - suggesting that the seal may have belonged to the person who wrote the tablet. (2100-2050 BC) ( Walters Art Museum )

The Intricate Carvings of Sumerian Cylinder Seals

The designs on Sumerian cylinder seals have also attracted a lot of attention, as they are intricate carvings consisting of various themes. Seals from Sumer were usually focused on three main subjects: contest themes, banquet scenes, and religious themes. Deities, humans, animals, plants, and religious iconography all appear on these artifacts. Other designs found on Sumerian cylinder seals may include geometric designs and inscriptions in cuneiform script.

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A hematite cylinder seal, Sumerian, 2112-2004 BC. ( Johns Hopkins University ) The scene on this seal represents the standard “presentation scene” of the Ur III period, showing a human worshipper – probably representing the seal’s owner– led by a goddess before an enthroned deity. An inscription, written in cuneiform, identifies its owner as “Aḫa-nīšu, servant of Nūr-Šulgi.”

Sumerian Cylinder Seals Today

In the archaeological record, both cylinder seals and the clay they were impressed on have been found. Many Sumerian cylinder seals are displayed in museums around the world. The Iraq Museum of Baghdad, for example, had a collection of 7000 cylinder seals, most of which were looted when Baghdad fell to US forces in 2003. These valuable artifacts have yet to be recovered.

Cylinder seals continued to be used up until the 1st millennium BC. In the Spurlock Museum in Illinois, for instance, there are seals from as late as 450 BC. Nevertheless, during this millennium, clay tablets were gradually being replaced by papyrus parchment as the writing material of choice for the ancient world. As a result of this, cylinder seals began to fall out of fashion, and eventually became obsolete. However, Sumerian and other cylinder seals remain prized possessions in the collections of many museums worldwide.

A quartz, chalcedony cylinder seal depicting a bearded male figure holding a curved sword. He has one foot on the back of a bird of prey that turns its head back towards the god. The five-line Sumerian inscription reads: Marduk, great lord, the noble, into whose hands, decisions in heaven and earth are assigned, may the servant who reverences you rejoice before you. In the British Museum’s collection. ( CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 )

Top Image: Greenstone cylinder seal, Neo-Sumerian, about 2100 BC, from Babylon. Source: Steve Harris/ CC BY NC 2.0

By  Wu Mingren

sumerianshakespeare.com, 2017. Images of Sumerian Life. [Online] Available at: http://sumerianshakespeare.com/106901.html

Tharoor, K. & Maruf, M., 2016. Museum of Lost Objects: Looted Sumerian Seal. [Online] Available at: http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-35774900

The Johns Hopkins Archaeological Museum, 2017. Ancient Cylinder Seals. [Online] Available at: http://archaeologicalmuseum.jhu.edu/the-collection/object-stories/cylinder-seals-from-the-ancient-near-east/

University of Illinois Board of Trustees, 2017. Mesopotamian Cylinder Seals Collection. [Online] Available at: http://www.spurlock.illinois.edu/collections/notable-collections/profiles/cylinder-seals.html

West Semitic Research Project, 2016. Cylinder Seals and the West Semitic Research Project. [Online] Available at: http://wsrp.usc.edu/educational_site/ancient_texts/cylinder_seals.shtml

www.crystalinks.com , 2017. Sumerian Cylinder Seals. [Online] Available at: http://www.crystalinks.com/sumercylinderseals.html

Wu Mingren (‘Dhwty’) has a Bachelor of Arts in Ancient History and Archaeology. Although his primary interest is in the ancient civilizations of the Near East, he is also interested in other geographical regions, as well as other time periods.... Read More

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Teaching History with 100 Objects

Mesopotamian cylinder seal

About the object.

Cylinder seals were invented around 3500 BC in southern Mesopotamia – in what is now Iraq. They were generally made of stone and pierced through from end to end so that they could be worn on a string or pin. The surface of the cylinder was carved with a detailed design, so that when rolled on clay it would leave a continuous impression of the design. The writing that appears on the left of the impression identifies the owner as Adda, who is described as a scribe. We have to imagine Adda finishing writing a document in cuneiform script on a clay tablet and then rolling this seal across the soft clay to sign it.

Gods of Mesopotamia

The surface of the cylinder has been carved with a scene showing some Mesopotamian gods. The figure with streams of water and fish flowing from his shoulders is Ea, god of subterranean waters and of wisdom, who was one of the most powerful gods in Mesopotamia. Ea stretches out his right hand towards an eagle. Behind Ea stands the two-faced Usmu, Ea’s official. At the centre is Shamash, god of the sun, truth and justice, with sunrays rising from his shoulders. He is depicted cutting his way through the mountains in order to rise at dawn. Next on the left, perched on top of the mountain, is Ishtar, the winged goddess of love and war. The weapons rising from her shoulders symbolise her warlike characteristics; she also holds a cluster of dates. The god on the left of Ishtar, armed with a bow and quiver, has not been identified with certainty, but may represent a hunting god like Nusku who would have been called upon as a protective guardian, protecting sleeping people, bringing good dreams and preventing nightmares. The figures can be recognised as divine by their pointed hats with multiple horns.

Worshipping many gods

The Mesopotamians had hundreds of gods of varying importance and with different responsibilities. Some deities were connected with aspects of nature such as water and the sun; others were associated with geographical features such as rivers and mountains; still others had to do with aspects of human life including childbirth and making bread. The main occasions for public worship of the gods were festivals. These were held to ensure the continuing goodwill of the gods of a particular place or at important moments in the agricultural calendar such as harvest times. Each city had its own patron god or goddess, who would be housed in his or her own temple. There were also smaller temples throughout the city where ordinary people could make offerings. Many of the stories known to us from the Old Testament of the Bible are rooted in older Mesopotamian myths. The most famous example is the flood story in which Ea warns Atra-hasis and instructs him to build a boat to survive a great flood.

More information

Scene description A more detailed description of the scene on the seal. https://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=368706&partId=1&searchText=Greenstone%20seal%20of%20Adda

Ten more seals Ten cylinder seals to click through and explore. https://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/articles/m/mesopotamian_cylinder_seals.aspx

Teacher's notes These teacher notes for the British Museum’s Ancient Mesopotamia website useful information about different aspects of religion and examples of some Mesopotamian myths as well as ideas for class discussion. http://www.mesopotamia.co.uk/staff/gods/resources.html

Gods and Goddesses The website of the Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses Project has detailed information on the gods. Some of the names are spelled or listed differently, for example, Ea is listed as Enki. http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/amgg/

Scene description

A more detailed description of the scene on the seal.

Source: britishmuseum.org

Ten more seals

Ten cylinder seals to click through and explore.

Teacher's notes

These teacher notes for the British Museum’s Ancient Mesopotamia website useful information about different aspects of religion and examples of some Mesopotamian myths as well as ideas for class discussion.

Source: mesopotamia.co.uk

Gods and Goddesses

The website of the Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses Project has detailed information on the gods. Some of the names are spelled or listed differently, for example, Ea is listed as Enki.

Source: upenn.edu

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Chapter 1 – Technology of Mesopotamia: The Written Word

Stephanie guerin-yodice.

Another technological innovation unique to the people of Mesopotamia is written communications. The importance of irrigation and access to waterways highlighted in the case study on the kings of Lagash and Umma demonstrates how important communication and documentation was to the ancient Sumerians. It makes sense then, that this region is also responsible for originating communication through shapes, signs, symbols, and eventually, letters. The earliest evidence of written communication, called cuneiform , dates back to 7500 BCE and was found in the form of tokens or seals that served as legal documents, identification, or a form of recordkeeping. These small forms of oddly shaped clay were originally a way to record agricultural and pastoral exchanges that were traded, stored, or sold. [1] Together, the shape of the token and the stylized markings on it convey a pictorial resemblance to the physical object. Much like we use wallets and change purses today, the tokens were stored in larger hollowed-out balls of clay called bulla , which held the items in an “envelope” to represent a sealed contract. Subsequently, trade routes expanded beyond the Sumerian region and there was need for more complex forms of communication. The technological process of the written word advanced toward cuneiform. Cuneiform combines word-concepts (pictograms) with phonics to create monosyllabic words that represent the image and action being described.

The small cylinder seal in Figure 11 dates back to 5000 BCE and represents another form of written communication that is specific to the Mesopotamian region. Fashioned primarily out of stone, these seals became popular because they could be easily carried on a rope or pinned to a garment, making them less cumbersome then the bulla or stone tablets. Made from local stone such as hematite, lapis lazuli, and even obsidian, the objects were made by a burgul or sealcutter who carved a small cylinder from the stone and drilled a hole lengthwise through the middle. [2] Images were carved on the stone so that when it was rolled across wet clay an impression of the writing or design was created.

Cylinder seals were commonly used by anyone involved in business dealings, but they served a more extensive purpose than just recordkeeping. The seals usually bore an individual’s identification and occupation. When the seal was rolled on to a wet clay surface, its image served as a calling card or signature for proof of payment, much like a business card or signature on a credit-card receipt is used today. In addition to personal rank and standing, cylinder seals held decorative motifs that reflected the style and culture of Mesopotamia. Each seal was fashioned out of locally quarried stone with designs that were indicative of the region and the period in which it was created. As a result, archeologists and historians utilize cylinder seals to learn more about the daily lives of people who lived throughout the ancient Mesopotamian region. The images tell of everything from epic tales, religious rituals, objects found in nature, and everyday domestic life to administrative hierarchies, making them both functional and culturally reflective.

As the written word evolved into an alphabetic language, the use of clay tablets remained the primary form of documentation through the Mesopotamian region, and was used for literature, administration, commemoration, recordkeeping, and business transactions. It was not until the time of the Phoenicians, residents of a coastal city-state in the Levant region that monopolized maritime trade across the Mediterranean Sea, that a more simplified alphabetic language replaced the Sumerian alphabet. The Phoenician alphabet, made up of a combination of Egyptian hieroglyphics and cuneiform, spread as the city-state engaged in maritime trade throughout the region.

For example, in looking at fig. 12, the first image is a pictograph of an object that is used to represent the generic term for grain (translated into bread). By 3200 BCE, different types of grain, such as wheat, oats, and barley needed specialized identification called ideogram, which can be seen in the second image.

While the pictogram and ideogram for barley is easily identifiable in the first two images, by 3000 BCE the image for barley becomes more stylized as techniques in writing advanced toward signs for syllables and vowels called logographic. Not only is the image of barley more stylized but it is turned on its side and depicts not just a singular “grain” but the amount of barley per volume. Moving to the last and final image of barley, the written word became more complex as it transitioned to include both barley on a Cuneiform table that represents a transaction or record but the sound for barley, called a logograph. The last image represents the transitions from the of barley into a phonogram and phonetic sound that represents the spoken and written language that we have today.

Written forms of communication were not solely linked to the Mesopotamian region, but one element of writing that can be attributed to the Sumerian people was their practice of recording transactions. Countless clay tablets and cylinder seals served as documentation of transactions such as land grants, storage facilities, marriage, territorial borders, receipts, wills, and contracts. Steles in the shape of obelisks, cones, large standing slabs of stone, and votive offerings served as monuments of devotion toward commemoration, gravesites, boundaries, divination, and law codes. Recordkeeping pushed the people of ancient Mesopotamia in other directions as well.

[1] “Writing,” British Museum. Accessed November 14, 2017. http://www.mesopotamia.co.uk/writing/story/sto_set.html

[2] Gale World History in Context, “Cylinder Seals,” Gale World History in Context . Accessed February 7, 2018.  http://ic.galegroup.com/ic/whic/ReferenceDetailsPage/ReferenceDetailsWindow?displayGroupName=Reference&zid=89322a709a5a518024288feed497bb92&p=WHIC%3AUHIC&action=2&catId=&documentId=GALE%7CCX3205100110&source=Bookmark&u=mlin_s_orrjr&jsid=41f757d863350c38ff29bc1707918dfd

History of Applied Science & Technology Copyright © 2017 by Stephanie Guerin-Yodice is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Essay on Mesopotamia

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3.2 Ancient Mesopotamia

Learning objectives.

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

• Identify characteristics of civilization in Ancient Mesopotamia
• Discuss the political history of Mesopotamia from the early Sumerian city-states to the rise of Old Babylon
• Describe the economy, society, and religion of Ancient Mesopotamia

In the fourth millennium BCE, the world’s first great cities arose in southern Mesopotamia , or the land between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, then called Sumer . The ancient Sumerians were an inventive people responsible for a host of technological advances, most notably a sophisticated writing system. Even after the Sumerian language ceased to be spoken early in the second millennium BCE, Sumerian literary works survived throughout the whole of Mesopotamia and were often collected by later cities and stored in the first libraries.

The Rise and Eclipse of Sumer

The term Mesopotamia , or “the land between the rivers” in Greek, likely originated with the Greek historian Herodotus in the fifth century BCE and has become the common name for the place between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers in what is now Iraq. The rivers flow north to south, from the Taurus Mountains of eastern Turkey to the Persian Gulf, depositing fertile soil along their banks. Melting snow and rain from the mountains carry this topsoil to the river valleys below. In antiquity, the river flow was erratic, and flooding was frequent but unpredictable. The need to control it and manage the life-giving water led to the building of cooperative irrigation projects.

Agricultural practices reached Mesopotamia by around 8000 BCE, if not earlier. However, for about two millennia afterward, populations remained quite small, typically living in small villages of between one hundred and two hundred people. Beginning around 5500 BCE, some had begun to establish settlements in southern Mesopotamia, a wetter and more forbidding environment. It was here that the Sumerian civilization emerged ( Figure 3.8 ). By around 4500 BCE, some of the once-small farming villages had become growing urban centers, some with thousands of residents. During the course of the fourth millennium BCE (3000s BCE), urbanization exploded in the region. By the end of the millennium, there were at least 124 villages with about one hundred residents each, twenty towns with as many as two thousand residents, another twenty small urban centers of about five thousand residents, and one large city, Uruk , with a population that may have been as high as fifty thousand. This growth helped make Sumer the earliest civilization to develop in Mesopotamia.

The fourth millennium BCE in Sumer was also a period of technological innovation. One important invention made after 4000 BCE was the process for manufacturing bronze, an alloy of tin and copper, which marked the beginning of the Bronze Age in Mesopotamia. In this period, bronze replaced stone as the premier material for tools and weapons and remained so for nearly three thousand years. The ancient Sumerians also developed the plow, the wheel, and irrigation techniques that used small channels and canals with dikes for diverting river water into fields. All these developments allowed for population growth and the continued rise of cities by expanding agricultural production and the distribution of agricultural goods. In the area of science, the Sumerians developed a sophisticated mathematical system based on the numbers sixty, ten, and one.

One of the greatest inventions of this period was writing. The Sumerians developed cuneiform , a script characterized by wedge-shaped symbols that evolved into a phonetic script, that is, one based on sounds, in which each symbol stood for a syllable ( Figure 3.9 ). They wrote their laws, religious tracts, and property transactions on clay tablets, which became very durable once baked, just like the clay bricks the Sumerians used to construct their buildings. The clay tablets held records of commercial exchanges, including contracts and receipts as well as taxes and payrolls. Cuneiform also allowed rulers to record their laws and priests to preserve their rituals and sacred stories. In these ways, it helped facilitate both economic growth and the formation of states.

Dueling Voices

The invention of writing in sumer.

Writing developed independently in several parts of the world, but the earliest known evidence of its birth has been found in Sumer, where cuneiform script emerged as a genuine writing system by around 3000 BCE, if not earlier. But questions remain about how and why ancient peoples began reproducing their spoken language in symbolic form.

Archaeologist Denise Schmandt-Besserat argued in the 1990s that small clay representations of numbers and objects, often called “tokens,” date from thousands of years before the development of cuneiform writing and were its precursor. These tokens, she believed, were part of an accounting system, and each type represented a different good: livestock, grains, and oils. Some were found within hollow baseball-sized clay balls now called “bullae,” which were marked with pictures of the tokens inside. Schmandt-Besserat believed the pictures portray the type of transaction in which the goods represented by the tokens were exchanged, and thus they were a crucial step toward writing. Over time, she suggested, the marked bullae gave way to flat clay tablets recording the transactions, and the first truly written records emerged ( Figure 3.10 ).

Schmandt-Besserat’s linear interpretation is still one of the best-known explanations for the emergence of writing. But it is hardly the only one. One scholar who offers a different idea is the French Assyriologist Jean-Jacques Glassner. Glassner believes that rather than being an extension of accounting techniques, early writing was a purposeful attempt to render the Sumerian language in script. He equates the development of writing, which gives meaning to a symbol, to the process by which Mesopotamian priests interpreted omens for divining the future. Writing allowed people to place language, a creation of the gods, under human control. Glassner’s argument is complex and relies on ancient works of literature and various theoretical approaches, including that of postmodernist philosopher Jacques Derrida.

Many disagree with Glassner’s conclusions, and modern scholars concede that tokens likely played an important role, but probably not in the linear way Schmandt-Besserat proposed. Uncertainty about the origin of writing in Sumer still abounds, and the scholarly debate continues.

• Why do you think Schmandt-Besserat’s argument was once so appealing?
• If you lived in a society with no writing, what might prompt you to develop a way to represent your language in symbolic form?

Cuneiform was a very complex writing system, and literacy remained the monopoly of an elite group of highly trained writing specialists, the scribes. But the script was also highly flexible and could be used to symbolize a great number of sounds, allowing subsequent Mesopotamian cultures such as the Akkadians, Babylonians, and many more to adapt it to their own languages. Since historians deciphered cuneiform in the nineteenth century, they have read the thousands of clay tablets that survived over the centuries and learned much about the history, society, economy, and beliefs of the ancient Sumerians and other peoples of Mesopotamia.

The Sumerians were polytheists , people who revered many gods. Each Sumerian city had its own patron god, however, one with whom the city felt a special connection and whom it honored above the others. For example, the patron god of Uruk was Inanna, the goddess of fertility; the city of Nippur revered the weather god Enlil; and Ur claimed the moon god Sin. Each city possessed an immense temple complex for its special deity, which included a site where the deity was worshipped and religious rituals were performed. This site, the ziggurat , was a stepped tower built of mud-brick with a flat top ( Figure 3.11 ). At its summit stood a roofed structure that housed the sacred idol or image of the temple’s deity. The temple complex also included the homes of the priests, workshops for artisans who made goods for the temple, and storage facilities to meet the needs of the temple workers.

Sumerians were clearly eager to please their gods by placing them at the center of their society. These gods could be fickle, faithless, and easily stirred to anger. If displeased with the people, they might bring famine or conquest. Making sure the gods were praised and honored was thus a way of ensuring prosperity. Praising them, however, implied different things for different social tiers in Sumer . For common people, it meant living a virtuous life and giving to the poor. For priests and priestesses, it consisted of performing the various rituals at the temple complexes. And for rulers honoring the gods, it meant ensuring that the temples were properly funded, maintained, and regularly beautified and enlarged if possible.

By the Early Dynastic Period (c. 2650 BCE–2400 BCE), powerful dynasties of kings called lugals had established themselves as rulers of the cities. In each city, the lugals rose to power primarily as warlords, since the Sumerian cities often waged war against each other for control of farmland and access to water as well as other natural resources. Lugals legitimized their authority through the control of the religious institutions of the city. For example, at Ur, the daughter of the reigning lugal always served as the high priestess of the moon god Sin, the chief deity at Ur.

The lugals at Ur during this period, the so-called First Dynasty of Ur, were especially wealthy, as reflected in the magnificent beehive-shaped tombs in which they were buried. In these tombs, precious goods such as jewelry and musical instruments were stored, along with the bodies of servants who were killed and placed in the tomb to accompany the rulers to the Land of the Dead. One of the more spectacular tombs belonged to a woman of Ur called Pu-Abi, who was buried wearing an elaborate headdress and might have been a queen ( Figure 3.12 ). The most famous lugal in all Sumer in this early period was Gilgamesh of Uruk, whose legendary exploits were recounted later in fantastical form in the Epic of Gilgamesh .

Link to Learning

The Epic of Gilgamesh is one of the world’s earliest examples of epic literature. To understand this ancient tale, first written down in the form we know today around 2100 BCE, read the overview of the Epic of Gilgamesh provided by the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which has a notable collection of ancient Mesopotamian artifacts.

The Rise of the World’s First Empire

Around 2300 BCE, the era of the independent Sumerian city-state , a political entity consisting of a city and surrounding territory that it controls, came to an end. Sumer and indeed all of Mesopotamia was conquered by Sargon of Akkad , who created the first-known empire, in this case, a number of regional powers under the control of one person. The word “Akkad” in his name was a reference to the Akkadians, a group that settled in central Mesopotamia, north of Sumer, around the ancient city of Kish. Over time, the Akkadians adopted Sumerian culture and adapted cuneiform to their own language, a language of the Semitic family that includes the Arabic and Hebrew spoken today. They also identified their own gods with the gods of the Sumerians and adopted Sumerian myths. For example, the Akkadians identified the fertility goddess Inanna with their own goddess Ishtar.

Sargon conquered not only Sumer but also what is today northern Iraq, Syria, and southwestern Iran. While the precise details of his origin and rise to power are not known, scholars believe the story Sargon told about himself, at least, has likely been accurately preserved in the Legend of Sargon , written two centuries after his death as a purported autobiography. It is a familiar story of a scrappy young hero born in humble circumstances and rising on his own merits to become a great leader. The Legend relates how, when Sargon was a baby, his unwed mother put him in a basket and cast it on the Euphrates River. A farmer found and raised him, and Ishtar loved Sargon and elevated him from a commoner to a great king and conqueror.

This interesting tale would have certainly been a powerful piece of propaganda justifying Sargon’s rule and endearing him to the common people, and some of it may even be true. But from what historians can tell, Sargon’s rise to power likely occurred during a period of turmoil as his kingdom of Kish, of which he had likely seized control, came under attack by another king named Lugalzagesi. Sargon’s eventual defeat of Lugalzagesi and conquest of all of Sumer proved to be the beginning of a larger conquest of Mesopotamia. The Akkadian Empire that Sargon created lasted for about a century and a half, officially coming to an end in the year 2193 BCE ( Figure 3.13 ).

One of the rivals of the Akkadian Empire was the city-state of Ebla, located in northwestern Syria. At some point, its people had adapted Sumerian cuneiform to their own language, which, like Akkadian, belonged to the Semitic family of languages, and archaeologists have discovered thousands of cuneiform tablets at the site. These tablets reveal that Ebla especially worshipped the storm god Adad, who was honored with the title “Ba‘al” or lord. More than one thousand years later in the Iron Age, people in this region still worshipped Baal, who was the main rival of Yahweh for the affections of the ancient Israelites.

Other rivals of the Akkadians were the Elamites , who inhabited the region to the immediate southeast of Mesopotamia in southwest Iran and whose city of Susa arose around 4000 BCE. The art and architecture of the Elamites suggest a strong Sumerian influence. They developed their own writing system around 3000 BCE, even though they adapted Sumerian cuneiform to their language later in the third millennium BCE. The Elamites also worshipped their own distinct deities, such as Insushinak, the Lord of the Dead. Both Elam and Ebla eventually suffered defeat at the hands of the Akkadians.

In the year 2193 BCE, however, the Akkadian Empire collapsed. The precise reason is not entirely clear. However, some ancient accounts point to the incursions of the nomadic Guti tribes, whose original homes were located in the Zagros Mountains of northwestern Iran, northwest of Mesopotamia. These Guti were originally pastoralists , who lived off their herds of livestock and moved from place to place to find pasture for their animals. While the Guti tribes certainly did move into the Akkadian Empire toward its end, modern scholarship suggests that the empire was likely experiencing internal decline and famine before this. The Guti appear to have exploited this weakness rather than triggering it. Regardless, for around a century, the Guti ruled over Sumer and adopted its culture as their own. Around 2120 BCE, however, the Sumerians came together under the leadership of the cities of Uruk and Ur and expelled the Guti from their homeland.

Later Empires in Mesopotamia

While Sargon’s empire lasted only a few generations, his conquests dramatically transformed politics in Mesopotamia. The era of independent city-states waned, and over the next few centuries, a string of powerful Mesopotamian rulers were able to build their own empires, often using the administrative techniques developed by Sargon as a model. For example, beginning about 2112 BCE, all Sumer was again united under the Third Dynasty of Ur as the Guti were driven out. The rulers of this dynasty held the title of lugal of all Sumer and Akkad, and they were also honored as gods. They built temples in the Sumerian city of Nippur, which was sacred to the storm god Enlil, the ruler of the gods in the Sumerian pantheon. The most famous lugal of this dynasty was Ur-Nammu (c. 2150 BCE), renowned for his works of poetry as well as for the law code he published.

At its height, the Third Dynasty extended its control over both southern and northern Mesopotamia. But by the end of the third millennium, change was on the horizon. Foreign invaders from the north, east, and west put tremendous pressure on the empire, and its rulers increased their military preparedness and even constructed a 170-mile fortification wall to keep them out. While these strategies were somewhat effective, they appear to have only postponed the inevitable as Amorites, Elamites, and other groups eventually poured in and raided cities across the land. By about 2004 BCE, Sumer had crumbled, and even Ur was violently sacked by the invaders.

The sack of Ur by the Elamites and others was the inspiration for a lament or song of mourning that became a classic of Sumerian literature. Read The Lament for Urim and pay attention to the way the writer attributes the destruction to the caprice of the gods; the actual invaders are merely tools. For descriptions of the destruction itself, focus on lines 161–229.

In the centuries after 2004 BCE, the migration of Amorites into Mesopotamia resulted in the gradual disappearance of Sumerian as a spoken language. People in the region came to speak Amorite, which belonged to the family of Semitic languages. Nonetheless, scribes continued to preserve and write works in Sumerian and Akkadian cuneiform. Sumerian and Akkadian became the languages of religious rituals, hymns, and prayers, as well as classic literary works such as the Epic of Gilgamesh . Consequently, the literary output of these earlier cultures was preserved and transmitted to the new settlers. When nomadic Amorite tribes settled in Mesopotamia, they eventually established new cities such as Mari, Asshur, and Babylon, and they adopted much of the culture they encountered. The ancient Sumerian cities of Larsa and Isin of this era also preserved these cultural traditions, even as they came under the rule of Amorite kings.

Hammurabi , the energetic ruler of Babylon during the first half of the eighteenth century BCE, defeated the kings of the rival cities of Mari and Larsa and created an empire that encompassed nearly all of Mesopotamia. To unify this new empire, Hammurabi initiated the construction of irrigation projects, built new temples at Nippur, and published his legal edicts throughout his realm. Hammurabi had these edicts inscribed on stone pillars erected in different places in the empire to inform his subjects about proper behavior and the laws of the land. Being especially clear, the Code of Hammurabi far outlived the king who created it. It also provides us with a fascinating window into how Mesopotamian society functioned at this time.

In Their Own Words

The law in old babylon.

Remarkable for its clarity, the Code of Hammurabi may have introduced concepts like the presumption of innocence and the use of evidence. It informed legal systems in Mesopotamia for many centuries after Hammurabi’s death ( Figure 3.14 ).

The Code of Hammurabi promoted the principle that punishment should fit the crime, but penalties often depended on social class:

199. If [a man] put out the eye of a man’s slave, or break the bone of a man’s slave, he shall pay one-half of its value. 202. If any one strike the body of a man higher in rank than he, he shall receive sixty blows with an ox-whip in public. Many edicts concern marriage, adultery, children, and marriage property. 129. If a man’s wife be surprised with another man, both shall be tied and thrown into the water, but the husband may pardon his wife and the king his slaves. 150. If a man give his wife a field, garden, and house and a deed therefor, if then after the death of her husband the sons raise no claim, then the mother may bequeath all to one of her sons whom she prefers, and need leave nothing to his brothers.

A good number of the code’s edicts concern the settling of commercial disputes:

9. If anyone lose an article, and find it in the possession of another [who says] “A merchant sold it to me, I paid for it before witnesses,” . . . The judge shall examine their testimony—both of the witnesses before whom the price was paid, and of the witnesses who identify the lost article on oath. The merchant is then proved to be a thief and shall be put to death. The owner of the lost article receives his property, and he who bought it receives the money he paid from the estate of the merchant. 48. If anyone owe a debt for a loan, and a storm prostrates the grain, or the harvest fail, or the grain does not grow for lack of water; in that year he need not give his creditor any grain, he washes his debt-tablet in water and pays no rent for this year. —"Hammurabi’s Code of Laws,” c. 1780 BCE, translated by L.W. King

• What do these edicts suggest about the different social tiers in Babylonian society? How were they organized?
• Was marriage similar to or different from marriage today?
• Do the edicts for resolving economic disputes seem fair to you? Why or why not?

While Hammurabi’s empire lasted a century and a half, much of the territory he conquered began falling away from Babylon’s control shortly after he died. The empire continued to dwindle in size until 1595 BCE, when an army of Hittites from central Anatolia in the north (modern Turkey) sacked the city of Babylon. Shortly thereafter, Kassites from the Zagros Mountains of northwestern Iran conquered Babylon and southern Mesopotamia and settled there, unlike the Hittites who had returned to their Anatolian home. The Kassites established a dynasty that ruled over Babylon for nearly five hundred years, to the very end of the Bronze Age . Like the Guti and the Amorites before them, over time, the Kassite rulers adopted the culture of their Mesopotamian subjects.

Society and Religion in Ancient Mesopotamia

Thanks to the preservation of cuneiform clay tablets and the discovery and translation of law codes and works of literature, historians have at their disposal a wealth of information about Mesopotamian society. The study of these documents and the archaeological excavations carried out in Mesopotamia have allowed them to reconstruct the empire’s economy.

We know now that temples and royal palaces were not merely princely residences and places for religious rituals; they also functioned as economic redistribution centers. For example, agricultural goods were collected from farmers as taxes by civic and religious officials, who then stored them to provide payments to the artisans and merchants they employed. Palaces and temples thus needed to possess massive storage facilities. Scribes kept records in cuneiform of all the goods collected and distributed by these institutions. City gates served as areas where farmers, artisans, and merchants could congregate and exchange goods. Precious metals such as gold often served as a medium of exchange, but these goods had to be weighed and measured during commercial exchanges, since coinage and money as we understand it today did not emerge until the Iron Age, a millennium later.

Society in southern Mesopotamia was highly urban. About 70 to 80 percent of the population lived in cities, but not all were employed as artisans, merchants, or other traditional urban roles. Rather, agriculture and animal husbandry accounted for a majority of a city’s economic production. Much of the land was controlled by the temples, kings, or other powerful landowners and was worked by semi-free peasants who were tied to the land. The rest of the land included numerous small plots worked by the free peasants who made up about half the population. A much smaller portion was made up of enslaved people, typically prisoners of war or persons who had committed crimes or gone into debt. A man could sell his own children into slavery to cover a debt.

Much of the hard labor performed in the fields was done by men and boys, while the wives, mothers, and daughters of merchants and artisans were sometimes fully engaged in running family businesses. Cuneiform tablets tell us that women oversaw the business affairs of their families, especially when husbands were merchants who often traveled far from home. For example, cuneiform tablets from circa 1900 BCE show that merchants from Ashur in northern Mesopotamia conducted trade with central Anatolia and wrote letters to their female family members back home. Women were also engaged in the production of textiles like wool and linen. They not only produced these textiles in workshops with their own hands, but some appear to have held managerial positions within the textile industry.

Free peasant farmers, artisans, and merchants were all commoners. This put them in a higher social position than the semi-free peasants and slaves but lower than the elite nobility, who made up a very small percentage of the population and whose ranks included priests, official scribes, and military leaders. This aristocratic elite often received land in payment for their services to the kings and collected rents in kind from their peasant tenants. Social distinctions were also reflected in the law. For example, aspects of Hammurabi’s law code called for punishments for causing physical harm to another to be equal to the harm inflicted. This principle is best summarized in the line “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.” However, the principle applied only to victims and perpetrators of the same social class. An aristocrat convicted of the murder of a fellow noble paid with their life, while an aristocrat who harmed or murdered a commoner might be required only to pay a fine.

Men and women were not equal under the Code of Hammurabi . A man was free to have multiple wives and divorce a wife at will, whereas a woman could divorce her husband only if she could prove he had been unkind to her without reason. However, a woman from a family of means could protect her position in a marriage if her family put up a dowry, which could be land or goods. Upon marriage, the husband obtained the dowry, but if he divorced or was unkind to his wife, he had to return it to her and her family.

Cuneiform tablets have also allowed historians to read stories about the gods and heroes of Mesopotamian cultures. Mesopotamians revered many different gods associated with forces of nature. These were anthropomorphic deities who not only had divine powers but also frequently acted on very human impulses like anger, fear, annoyance, and lust. Examples include Utu, the god of the sun ( Figure 3.15 ); Inanna (known to the Akkadians as Ishtar), the goddess of fertility; and Enlil (whose equivalent in other Mesopotamian cultures was Marduk), the god of wind and rain. The ancient Mesopotamians held that the gods were visible in the sky as heavenly bodies like stars, the moon, the sun, and the planets. This belief led them to pay close attention to these bodies, and over time, they developed a sophisticated understanding of their movement. This knowledge allowed them to predict astronomical events like eclipses and informed their development of a twelve-month calendar.

People in Mesopotamia believed human beings were created to serve the gods ( Figure 3.16 ). They were expected to supply the gods with food through the sacrifice of sheep and cattle in religious rituals, and to honor them with temples, religious songs or hymns, and expensive gifts. People sought divine support from their gods. But they also feared that their worship might be insufficient and anger the deity. When that happened, the gods could bring death and devastation through floods and pestilence. Stories of gods wreaking great destruction, sometimes for petty reasons, are common in Mesopotamian myths. For example, in one Sumerian myth, the storm god Enlil nearly destroyed the entire human race with a flood when the noise made by humans annoyed him and kept him from sleep.

The ancient Mesopotamians’ belief that the gods were fickle, destructive, and easily stirred to anger is one reason many historians believe they had a generally pessimistic worldview. From the literature they left behind, we can see that while they hoped for the best, they were often resigned to accept the worst. Given the environment in which Mesopotamian civilization emerged, this pessimism is somewhat understandable. River flooding was common and could often be unpredictable and destructive. Wars between city-states and the destruction that comes with conflict were also common. Life was difficult in this unforgiving world, and the profiles of the various gods of the Mesopotamians reflect this harsh reality.

Evidence of Mesopotamians’ pessimism is also present in their view of the afterlife. In their religion, after death all people spent eternity in a shadowy underworld sometimes called “the land of no return.” Descriptions of this place differ somewhat in the details, but the common understanding was that it was a gloomy and frightening place where the dead were consumed by sorrow, eating dust and clay and longing pitifully and futilely to return to the land of the living.

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1 Early Mesopotamia

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This chapter discusses the development of historical writing in early Mesopotamia. It considers early Mesopotamian royal inscriptions and year-names from the Sargonic ‘empire’ (2334–2113) and the Third Dynasty of Ur (2112–2004). It then turns to the Sumerian-language literary texts of the late third and early second millennia. These include the Sumerian King List; the poems Curse of Agade and the Death of Ur-Namma; the correspondence of the Kings of Ur; the lamentation over the destruction of Sumer and Ur; and texts on the kings of the Dynasty of Akkad: Sargon and Naram-Sin.

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Archaeological evidence for trade with Susa, functions of Elam, Mesopotamia seals with Indus Script hieroglyphs, inscriptions

-- Indus Script inscriptions are metalwork, lapidary work wealth catalogues and ledgers Decipherment of Shu-ilishu cylinder seal: Akkadian armourer, Meluhha traders in tin and copper Akkadian Empire cylinder seal with inscription: "Shu-ilishu, interpreter of the Meluhhan language". Louvre Museum, reference AO 22310 mleccha (milakkhu - Pali) means 'copper'. The guy who carries melh 'goat' is milakkhu 'copper (merchant)'. The lady who carries ranku 'liquid measure' is ranku 'tin (merchant)' Urud in Akkadian means 'copper'. http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/epsd/e6243.html रुधिर (prob. fr. the above lost root रुध् , " to be red " ; cf. रोहित and also under रुद्र) red , blood-red , bloody AV. v , 29 , 10; cognate IE words: Lat. ruber , rubeo , rufus ; Lith. ru4das , rau4das , raudo4nas ; Slav. ru8dru8 , ru8de8ti ; Goth. rauths ; Angl.Sax. rea4d ; Eng. red ; Germ. ro7t , rot.])(Monier-Williams) rudhira रुधिर a. [रुध्-किरच् Uṇ.1.5] Red, red-coloured (Apte) There is an indication of a lost root form rudh which meant 'to be red'. If so, the Akkadian URUD may be cognate of this IE root. [quote]The art of the seals of the Akkad Empire Around 2350 - 2200 BC The Semitic kings of Akkad, by founding the first "universal" empire, took over the plastic arts as n instrument of their ideology. The seal engraver workshops they sponsored created a new style by organizing the traditional animal decor around the inscription, taken as the center of the composition. And the figures received a more sculptural aspect. On the other hand, a new repertoire was created to illustrate a rich mythology, modeled on the order of the world as it is renewed each year in an eternal return. The pantheon is reduced to a few figures recognizable by their horned tiaras and their attributes, symbolic of the elements of the world: the god of the abyss of water that gushes from his body and from a small vase. He is the father and the head of the pantheon, The great mother goddess is responsible for fertility and fertility. The young flame-adorned god personifies the sun as well as the powers of renewal in general. His image resembles that of the victorious king. The god of vegetation is recognizable by the branches that grow from his body like the trunk of a tree. The order of the world is presented either as a monarchy, with a god enthroned alone, or as the fruit of the marriage of a divine couple. More often, it is conceived in a dramatic way, either as the combined action of several specialized gods, or as a combat in which the sun god generally triumphs. The birth of the divine schist child The birth of the divine child, symbol of the rebirth of nature at the dawn of each year. Seal of an "interpreter of the land of Meluhha", that is to say from India or eastern Iran with which the Akkad empire established important relationships. Don H. de Boisgelin 1967 Former De Clercq collection Department of Oriental Antiquities [unquote] (http://cartelfr.louvre.fr/cartelfr/visite?srv=car_not&idNotice=12071) Shu-ilishu cylinder seal with Indus Script hieroglyphs, Akkadian cuneiform inscription confirms Meluhha trade in copper and tin https://tinyurl.com/y2lpc55b Positing an Ancient Maritime Tin Route from AncientFar East to Ancient Near East, based on Archaeometallurgical provenance study of tin-bronze artifacts of Mesopotamia https://tinyurl.com/yyeyfkxu In item 3, the remarkable finding by Begemann, F. et al (2009), has been reported that: based on lead isotope evidence the urudu-luh-ha (refined copper metal) used in Mesopotamia for tin alloying is from India, which is also contracted with an import via Dilmun.This finding, together with Daniel T.Potts view cited in item 2, positing that most of the tin used in southern Mesopotamia came from the Ancient Far East (from Thailand through Meluhha), the Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is revisited. This seal with hieroglyphs of a person carrying a goat and another person carrying a liquid measure signify that the two persons are Meluhha merchants of copper and tin, respectively. Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy Department des Antiquities Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language). The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin, signified by the field symbols vividly portrayed on the cylinder seal. The Meluhha merchant carries melh, mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; On the field is shown a crucbile: kuṭhāru 'crucible' rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer'. Thus, the cylinder seal signifies a trade transaction between a Mesopotamian armourer (Akkadian speaker) and Meluhhans settling a trade contract for their copper and tin. The transaction is mediated by Shu-ilishu, the Akkadian interpreter of Meluhha language. Cuneiform texts record long distance copper trade "Cuneiform texts from the Late Uruk/Jemdet Nasr Period to the Old Babylonian Period (c. 3100-1750 B.C.) record the importation by sea of copper from Meluhha (probably northwest India), Magan (likely southeastern Arabia), and Dilmun (probably modern Bahrain) by Mesopotamian merchants, probably working either as agents for the city temple or rulers.(1) Some trade by private individuals took place as well, though on a smaller scale. (2) The archives of one merchant from Old Babylonian period Ur were excavated by Woolley; these record the importation of copper from Tilmun (probably in Iran) via the Persian Gulf, as well as various disputes with customers over the quality of his copper and the speed of his deliveries. (3) Production of finished copper and bronze products seems to have followed a similar pattern as Pylos, Alalakh, and Ugarit in Third Dynasty Ur (c. 2100 B.C.E.); at all of these sites, clay tablets record the allotment of copper to smiths for the production of weapons and other tems.(4)" (Michael Rice Jones, 2007, Oxhide ingots, coper production, and the mediterranean trade in copper and other metals in the Bronze Age, Thsesis submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University, 418 pages: p.62).

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This calcite cylinder seal dates to the Early Dynastic period (2900–2800 BC). It comes from the site of Tell Agrab in Iraq. The seal shows two bull men attacking a lion with swords. In turn, the lion is attacking a bull. There is a calf's head in the background. arye ‘lion’ rebus: ara ‘brass’ kõda 'young bull-calf'. Rebus: kundaṇa 'fine gold'; kō̃da कोँद a kiln (Kashmiri) singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'gold for ornaments' m1656 pectoral Overflowing pot of m1656 pectoral and on Ibni Sharrum cylinder seal signifies Indus Script hypertext lokhaṇḍa 'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware' https://tinyurl.om/y6psctdw "Pendant or medallion [from Mohenjo-daro] pictures the unicorn combined with many sacred symbols of the Indus religion. The body of the figure has a womb-shaped symbol in its belly, the same motif is elaborated to form the frame for the pendant, which is also a common design for shell inlay. Two leaf shapes of the sacred pipal tree are depicted at the animals shoulders and rump. A ritual offering stand is placed in front of the image. The deeply incised frame and the symbols on the unicorn would have been set with inlay." (J.M. Kenoyer, Indus Civilization, p. 1 https://www.harappa.com/blog/unicorn-pendant m1656 Mohenjodro Pectoral. The body of the young bull has the pictograph signified on the body. Arka flipped vertically and signified on the body of the young bull on pectoral, as shown below. The young bull signifies Hieroglyph: kõda 'young bull-calf'. Rebus: kundaṇa 'fine gold'; kō̃da कोँद a kiln (Kashmiri) singi 'horned' rebus: singi 'gold for ornaments' The overflowing pot atop the one-horned young bull is an Indus Script hypertext. The rebus reading in Meluhha of the overflowing pot is: lokhaṇḍa 'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware' (Marathi) The expression is composed of two words: '(pot etc.) to overflow' and 'water'. The rebus readings are: 1. (B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) . காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண்டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools, pots and pans’ (Marathi). Standard device has two hieroglyph components: 1. kunda 'lathe' rebus: kundaṇa 'fine gold'; kō̃da कोँद a kiln (Kashmiri) Search Results Web results 2. kammata 'portable furnace' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' Ibni-Sharrum cylinder seal shows a kneeling person with six curls of hair.Cylinder seal of Ibni-sharrum, a scribe of Shar-kali-sharri (left) and impression (right), ca. 2183–2159 B.C.; Akkadian, reign of Shar-kali-sharri. Lower register signifies flow of water. There are some seals with clear Indus themes among Dept. of Near Eastern Antiquities collections at the Louvre in Paris, France, among them the Cylinder Seal of Ibni-Sharrum, described as "one of the most striking examples of the perfection attained by carvers in the Agade period [2350–2170 BCE]. https://www.harappa.com/category/blog-subject/seals Cylinder seal impression of Ibni-sharrum, a scribe of Shar-kalisharri ca. 2183–2159 BCE The inscription reads “O divine Shar-kali-sharri, Ibni-sharrum the scribe is your servant.” Cylinder seal. Serpentine/Chlorite. AO 22303 H. 3.9 cm. Dia. 2.6 cm. <lo->(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re<lo->(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See <lo-> `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) Glyph of flowing water in the second register: காண்டம் kāṇṭam , n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water;நீர்; kāṇṭam ‘ewer, pot’ கமண்டலம். (Tamil) Thus the combined rebus reading: Ku. lokhaṛ ʻiron tools ʼ; H. lokhaṇḍ m. ʻ iron tools, pots and pans ʼ; G. lokhãḍ n. ʻtools, iron, ironwareʼ; M. lokhãḍ n. ʻ iron ʼ(CDIAL 11171). The kneeling person’s hairstyle has six curls. bhaṭa ‘six’; rebus: bhaṭa‘furnace’. मेढा mēḍhā A twist or tangle arising in thread or cord, a curl or snarl. (Marathi) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) Thus, the orthography denotes meḍ bhaṭa ‘iron furnace’. Hieroglyhph: buffalo: Ku. N. rã̄go ʻ buffalo bull ʼ (or < raṅku -- ?).(CDIAL 10538, 10559) Rebus: raṅga3 n. ʻ tin ʼ lex. [Cf. nāga -- 2, vaṅga -- 1] Pk. raṁga -- n. ʻ tin ʼ; P. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ pewter, tin ʼ (← H.); Ku. rāṅ ʻ tin, solder ʼ, gng. rã̄k; N. rāṅ, rāṅo ʻ tin, solder ʼ, A. B. rāṅ; Or. rāṅga ʻ tin ʼ, rāṅgā ʻ solder, spelter ʼ, Bi. Mth. rã̄gā, OAw. rāṁga; H. rã̄g f., rã̄gā m. ʻ tin, pewter ʼ; Si. ran̆ga ʻ tin ʼ.(CDIAL 10562) B. rāṅ(g)tā ʻ tinsel, copper -- foil ʼ.(CDIAL 10567) Gudea sculpture holding an overflowing pot which is an Indus Script hieroglyph. Gudea (Sumerian 𒅗𒌣𒀀 Gu3-de2-a) was a ruler (ensi) of the state of Lagash in Southern Mesopotamia who ruled c. 2144–2124 BC.He probably did not come from the city, but had married Ninalla, daughter of the ruler Ur-Baba (2164–2144 BC) of Lagash, thus gaining entrance to the royal house of Lagash. He was succeeded by his son Ur-Ningirsu. Gudea’s link with Meluhha is clear from the elaborate texts on the two cylinders describing the construction of the Ninĝirsu temple in Lagash. An excerpt: 1143-1154. Along with copper, tin, slabs of lapis lazuli, refined silver and pure Meluḫa cornelian, he set up (?) huge copper cauldrons, huge …… of copper, shining copper goblets and shining copper jars worthy of An, for laying (?) a holy table in the open air …… at the place of regular offerings (?)

Meluhha and Bronze Age revolution Indus Script evidence validates maritime trade of Meluhha (Sarasvati civilization) with Dilmun from 2500 BCE. A Maritime tin route from Hanoi to Haifa has been posited to transport tin which was a critical component to alloy with copper to sustain the Bronze Age revolution. On this route which predated Silk Road by two millennia, the Persian Gulf (Straits of Hormuz), together with the Straits of Malacca, was the critical maritime link. Archaeological reports on sites along the Persian Gulf have cumulatively evidenced the trade and cultural contacts Meluhha (Sarasvati civilization) merchants and artisans (some with settlements in Ancient Near East) had with Ancient Near East and Ancient Far East as active participants in the revolution. The Gundestrup cauldron and Pillar of Boatmen are evidence of the Meluhhan contact areas in the Ancient NEar East. So are the hieroglyphs of frog, peacock, elephant, antelopes, heron on Dong Son bronze drums evidenc of the Meluhhan contact areas in the Tin Belt of the Globe in Ancient Far East. Glyptic art of the Seals from Persian Gulf are a combination of Mesopotamian syles of cylinder seals combined with Indus Script hieroglyphs. Meluhhans had a flourishing tradw with Sumer ca. 2350 BCE. The inscriptions of Persian Gulf cylinder seald and also Dilmun-type stamp seals provide conclusive evidence for the presence of Meluhha merchants/artisans in the Persian Gulf and interacting with Ur and Susa. The trade transactions with Susa are attested by a Susa pot with the cargo of metal implements, tools, weapons. The decipherment of Indus Script hieroglyphs on the Susa pot as metalwork catalogues are presented in: Annex A Susa pot with Indus Script hieroglyphs is a 'rosetta stone' for Indus Script Corpora of metalwork proclamations The presence of Munda in Austro-asiatic speaker areas of Ancient Far East is well-attested by Austro-asiatic etyma also present in glosses of Indian sprachbund (pace FBJ Kuiper on Munda words in Samskrtam). Map of Bronze Age sites of eastern India and neighbouring areas: 1. Koldihwa; 2.Khairdih; 3. Chirand; 4. Mahisadal; 5. Pandu Rajar Dhibi; 6.Mehrgarh; 7. Harappa;8. Mohenjo-daro; 9.Ahar; 10. Kayatha; 11.Navdatoli; 12.Inamgaon; 13. Non PaWai; 14. Nong Nor;15. Ban Na Di andBan Chiang; 16. NonNok Tha; 17. Thanh Den; 18. Shizhaishan; 19. Ban Don Ta Phet [After Fig. 8.1 in: Charles Higham, 1996, The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press]. Austroasiatic languages map (in German) from H.-J. Pinnow's Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache, 1958: map Kuwait gold disc with Indus Script hieroglyphs See: http://bharatkalyan97.blogspot.in/2016/06/antithetical-antelopes-indus-script.html The hieroglyphs on the Kuwait Museum gold disc can be read rebus: 1. A pair of tabernae montana flowers tagara 'tabernae montana' flower; rebus: tagara 'tin' 2. A pair of rams tagara 'ram'; rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) Next to one ram: kuTi 'tree' Rebus: kuThi 'smelter' Alternative: kolmo 'rice plant' Rebus: kolimi 'smithy, forge'. 3. Ficus religiosa leaves on a tree branch (5) loa 'ficus leaf'; rebus: loh 'metal'. kol in Tamil means pancaloha'alloy of five metals'. PLUS flanking pair of lotus flowers: tAmarasa 'lotus' Rebus: tAmra 'copper' dula 'pair' Rebus: dul 'cast metal' thus, denoting copper castings. 4. A pair of bulls tethered to the tree branch: barad, barat 'ox' Rebus: bharata 'alloy of copper, pewter, tin' (Marathi) PLUS kola 'man' Rebus: kolhe 'smelter' kur.i 'woman' Rebus: kol 'working in iron' Alternative: ḍhangar 'bull'; rebus ḍhangar 'blacksmith' poLa 'zebu' Rebus: poLa 'magnetite'. Two persons touch the two bulls: meḍ ‘body’ (Mu.) Rebus: meḍ ‘iron’ (Ho.) Thus, the hieroglyph composition denotes ironsmiths. 5. A pair of antelopes looking back: krammara 'look back'; rebus: kamar 'smith' (Santali); tagara 'antelope'; rebus: damgar 'merchant' (Akkadian) Alternative: melh, mr..eka 'goat' (Brahui. Telugu) Rebus: milakkhu 'copper' (Pali), mleccha-mukha 'copper' (Samskritam) 6. A pair of antelopes mē̃ḍh 'antelope, ram'; rebus: mē̃ḍ 'iron' (Mu.) 7. A pair of combs kāṅga 'comb' Rebus: kanga 'brazier, fireplace'

The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin, signified by the field symbols vividly portrayed on the cylinder seal. The Meluhha merchant carries melh, mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; On the field is shown a crucbile: kuṭhāru 'crucible' rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer'. The seated person of high rank may be such a kuṭhāru 'armourer' signified by the hieroglyph kuṭhāru 'crucible' on the top register of the cylinder seal. Thus, the cylinder seal signifies a trade transaction between a Mesopotamian armourer (Akkadian speaker) and Meluhhans settling a trade contract for their copper and tin. The transaction is mediated by Shu-ilishu, the Akkadian interpreter of Meluhha language. “This shows a seated person of high rank, royal or divine, receiving two standing visitors. A bearded dwarf perches on the seated person’s lap, his head turned to face the dignitary. The first visitor seems to be addressing the seated dignitay with the help of a hand gesture, as is the dwarf. The seal’s accompanying cuneiform inscription reads as follows: ‘su-i-li-su/eme-bal me-luh-ha’, which translates as: ‘Su-ilisu, interpreter of the Meluhhan language’—possibly the name of the dwarf (opinions differ). Sadly, no more is known about Su-ilisu. ‘We can imagine that, like the other Meluhhans, he had established some close ties within Mesopotamia’, speculates Wright. Perhaps he began as a merchant from the Indus area, learned how to speak Akkadian and then ‘forged a new profession as a translator’ for his fellow merchants. Alternatively, he could have been an Akkadian-speaking native who saw a business opportunity through learning the language of Meluhha. Either way, this unique seal offers some slight encouragement that Mesopotamian excavation may one day yield the Holy Grail of Indus Script decipherment: a bilingual inscription written in both cuneiform and the Indus Script.” (Andrew Robinson, 2015, The Indus: Lost Civilizations, Reaktion Books, pp.101-102) Richelieu Rez-de-chaussée Mésopotamie, 2350 à 2000 avant J.-C. environ Salle 228 Vitrine 1 : Glyptique de l'époque d'Akkad, 2340 - 2200 avant J.-C. http://cartelfr.louvre.fr/cartelfr/visite?srv=car_not&idNotice=12071 The seal reads: 'su-i-li-su / eme-bal me-luh-ha', which translates as: 'Su-ilisu, interpreter of the Meluhhan language' Akkadian cylinder seal with inscription Shu-ilishu, interpreter of the Meluhhan language, Louvre Museum AO 22310 Meluhha was the Akkadian name for Indus Sarasvati Valleys. Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy Department des Antiquities Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language). Copper from Gujarat used in Mesopotmia, 3rd millennium BCE, evidenced by lead isotope analyses of tin-bronze objects; report by Begemann F. et al. 1. Title: Über das frühe Kupfer Mesopotamiens 2. Author(s): BEGEMANN, F. , SCHMITT-STRECKER, S. Journal: Iranica Antiqua Volume: 44 Date: 2009 Pages: 1-45 DOI: 10.2143/IA.44.0.2034374 2. Abstract : A lIranica Antiqua Geographical locations of sites of Mesopotamia from which artifacts were analyzed in this work (After Fig. 1 in Begemann, F. et al, 2009 loc.cit.) The conclusion is: "Unsere bleiisotopische evidenz legt nahe, das in Mesopotamien fur legierung mit zinn verwendete kupfer urudu-luh-ha stamme aus Indien, was ebenfalls vertraglich ist mit einem import via dilmun." (Trans. Our lead isotope evidence suggests that the urudu-luh-ha copper used in Mesopotamia for tin alloying is from India, which is also contracted with an import via Dilmun.)" (opcit., p.28) 3. A lead isotope study »On the Early copper of Mesopotamia« reports on copper-base artefacts ranging in age from the 4th millennium BC (Uruk period) to the Akkadian at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Arguments are presented that, in the (tin)bronzes, the lead associated with the tin used for alloying did not contribute to the total in any detectable way. Hence, the lead isotopy traces the copper and cannot address the problem of the provenance of tin. The data suggest as possible source region of the copper a variety of ore occurrences in Anatolia, Iran, Oman, Palestine and, rather unexpectedly (by us), from India. During the earliest period the isotopic signature of ores from Central and North Anatolia is dominant; during the next millennium this region loses its importance and is hardly present any more at all. Instead, southeast Anatolia, central Iran, Oman, Feinan-Timna in the rift valley between Dead Sea and Red Sea, and sources in the Caucasus are now potential suppliers of the copper. Generally, an unambiguous assignment of an artefact to any of the ores is not possible because the isotopic fingerprints of ore occurrences are not unique. In our suite of samples bronze objects become important during ED III (middle of the 3rd millennium BC) but they never make up more than 50 % of the total. They are distinguished in their lead isotopy by very high 206Pb-normalized abundance ratios. As source of such copper we suggest Gujarat/Southern Rajasthan which, on general grounds, has been proposed before to have been the most important supplier of copper in Ancient India. We propose this Indian copper to have been arsenic-poor and to be the urudu-luh-ha variety which is one of the two sorts of purified copper mentioned in contemporaneous written texts from Mesopotamia to have been in circulation there concurrently. I am grateful to Prof. Nilesh Oak for identifying a brilliant piece of archaeometallurgical provenance study which links Khetri copper mines --through Dholavira/Lothal and Persian Gulf -- with Mesopotamia. Trade contacts with Meluhha artisans in Mari for tin-bronze production in Mesopotamia proven by provenance studies and cuneiform texts http://tinyurl.com/yxhfgnll I posit that, as argued in the above-cited monograph that the largest tin belt of the globe was in the river basins of Himalayan rivers Mekong, Irrawaddy and Salween which powered the Tin-Bronze Revolution of 3rd millennium BCE, evidenced in Mesopotamia. These rivers ground down granite rocks to accumulate placer deposits of cassiterite (tin ore) in these river basins thus facilitating an Ancient Maritime Tin Route which linked AFEwith ANE. Cuneiform texts record long distance copper trade "Cuneiform texts from the Late Uruk/Jemdet Nasr Period to the Old Babylonian Period (c. 3100-1750 B.C.) record the importation by sea of copper from Meluhha (probably northwest India), Magan (likely southeastern Arabia), and Dilmun (probably modern Bahrain) by Mesopotamian merchants, probably working either as agents for the city temple or rulers.(1) Some trade by private individuals took place as well, though on a smaller scale. (2) The archives of one merchant from Old Babylonian period Ur were excavated by Woolley; these record the importation of copper from Tilmun (probably in Iran) via the Persian Gulf, as well as various disputes with customers over the quality of his copper and the speed of his deliveries. (3) Production of finished copper and bronze products seems to have followed a similar pattern as Pylos, Alalakh, and Ugarit in Third Dynasty Ur (c. 2100 B.C.E.); at all of these sites, clay tablets record the allotment of copper to smiths for the production of weapons and other tems.(4)" (Michael Rice Jones, 2007, Oxhide ingots, coper production, and the mediterranean trade in copper and other metals in the Bronze Age, Thsesis submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University, 418 pages: p.62). "Metal ores, particularly the ores of copper and tin that became so important in the Bronze Age, take an enormous amount of labor and technological expertise to extract from the natural environment and process into useful finished products. Metal ores also occur in geographically localized areas, which would have limited access of prehistoric communities to metals and encouraged long distance trade between them. By the second millennium B.C.,Mediterranean societies had developed complex trade networks to transport and exchange metals and other bulk goods over long distances. Copper, particularly as the main component of bronze, became one the most important materials for tools, weapons, and statusenhancing luxury goods during the Bronze Age." (5)(ibid., p.1)

The 1977 paper of Simo Parpola et al reviews texts containing references to Meluhha and Meluhhans, focussing on 9 texts dated to Ur III times (22nd to 21st cent. BCE) and included references to Sargonic texts (24th to 23rd cen. BCE). (Parpola S., A. Parpola & R.H. Brunswig, Jr. (1977) “The Meluhha Village. Evidence of acculturation of Harappan traders in the late Third Millennium Mesopotamia.” Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, 20, 129-165.) Massimo Vidale provides a succint summary of the general picture presented in the paper of Simo Parpola et al. The surprising references relate to the fact that metals like gold, silver and tin were imports from Meluhha and involved Meluhhan settlers in Ancient Far East. "The maximum archaeological evidence of Indian imports and Indusrelated artefacts in Mesopotamia may be dated to latest phases of ED III (at the Royal Cemetery of Ur) and immediately later to the Akkadian period, when, as widely reported, Sargon claimed with pride that under his power Meluhhan ships docked at his capital, and at least one tablet mentions a person with an Akkadian name qualified as a “the holder of a Meluhha ship.”… (pp.262, 263)… according to the literary sources, between the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC Meluhhan ships exported to Mesopotamia precious goods among which exotic animals, such as dogs, perhaps peacocks, cocks, bovids, elephants (? Collon 1977) precious woods and royal furniture, precious stones such as carnelian, agate and lapislazuli, and metals like gold, silver and tin (among others Pettinato 1972; During Caspers 1971; Chakrabarti 1982, 1990; Tosi 1991; see also Lahiri 1992 and Potts 1994). In his famous inscriptions, Gudea, in the second half of the 22nd century BC, states that Meluhhans came with wood and other raw materials for the construction of the main temple in Lagash (see Parpola et al. 1977: 131 for references). Archaeologically, the most evident raw materials imported from India are marine shell, used for costly containers and lamps, inlay works and cylinder seals; agate, carnelian and quite possibly ivory. Hard green stones, including garnets and abrasives might also have been imported from the Subcontinent and eastern Iran (Vidale & Bianchetti 1997, 1998-1999; Heimpel et al. 1988; Vidale 2002; see also Collon 1990, Tallon 1995 and Sax 1991). Carnelian could have been imported in form of raw nodules of large size (as implied by some texts) to be transformed into long beads, or as finished products. As we shall see, recent studies would better suggest that the Indus families in Mesopotamia imported raw materials rather than finished beads (Kenoyer 1997; Kenoyer & Vidale 1992; Inizan 2000), and expediently adapted their production to the changing needs of the Mesopotamian demand and markets. To the same period is ascribed a famous cylinder seal owned by a certain Su-ilisu, “Meluhha interpreter” (Sollberger 1970; Tosi 1991). Another Akkadian text records that Lu-sunzida “a man of Meluhha” paid to the servant Urur, son of AmarluKU 10 shekels of silver as a payment for a tooth broken in a clash. The name Lu-sunzida literally means “Man of the just buffalo cow,” a name that, although rendered in Sumerian, according to the authors does not make sense in the Mesopotamian cultural sphere, and must be a translation of an Indian name…… the Mesopotamian demand and markets. To the same period is ascribed a famous cylinder seal owned by a certain Su-ilisu, “Meluhha interpreter” (Sollberger 1970; Tosi 1991). Another Akkadian text records that Lu-sunzida “a man of Meluhha” paid to the servant Urur, son of AmarluKU 10 shekels of silver as a payment for a tooth broken in a clash. The name Lu-sunzida literally means “Man of the just buffalo cow,” a name that, although rendered in Sumerian, according to the authors does not make sense in the Mesopotamian cultural sphere, and must be a translation of an Indian name." (MASSIMO VIDALE Ravenna Growing in a Foreign World: For a History of the “Meluhha Villages” in Mesopotamia in the 3rd Millennium BC Published in Melammu Symposia 4: A. Panaino and A. Piras (eds.), Schools of Oriental Studies and the Development of Modern Historiography. Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Ravenna, Italy, October 13-17, 2001 (Milan: Università di Bologna & IsIao 2004), pp. 261-80. Publisher: http://www.mimesisedizioni.it/) https://www.harappa.com/sites/default/files/201402/Vidale-Indus-Mesopotamia.pdf Among the imports from Meluhha into the Ancient Near East, the imports of silver and tin metals are significant because these two metals were the principal engines of the Tin-Bronze Revolution from 5th millennium BCE and for laying the foundations of monetary systems based on currency-based transactions which emerged in 7th century BCE with the Lydia electrum coins and Aegean Turtle silver staters of 480 to 457 BCE. Sources of tin, silver and gold ca. 5th millennium BCE from Ancient Far East What are the sources of Meluhha tin, Meluhha silver and Meluhha gold -- all three metals mentioned in cuneiform texts as imports from Meluhha into Ancient Near East? Meluhha is often explained by historians as a reference to Sarasvati (Indus) Civilization area. But, this civilization area is not endowed with the gold, silver or tin mineral resources or mines. Whatever gold or tin was sourced was from placer deposits of Himalayan rivers. So, the reference to imports of gold, silver and tin into the Ancient Near East (ANE) in cuneiform records may simply mean that Meluhhan merchants were intermediaries who transacted with the miners of regions east of ancient India and supplied the minerals to the demand centres of ANE. The most frequently occurring hypertext in Indus Script Corpora is a one-horned young bull. I suggest that this signifies: kõda 'young bull-calf'. Rebus:kundana 'fine gold' (Kannada; konda 'furnace, fire-altar' kō̃da कोँद 'furnace'; kũdār 'turner'; The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin. The Meluhha merchant carries melh,mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'. The rollout of Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy of the Department des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language). Apparently, the Meluhhan is the person carrying the antelope on his arms. सु-वर्ण--द्वीप m. n. " golden island " , (prob.) N. of Sumatra (कथासरित्सागर; Bauddham texts); सु-वर्ण m. (rarely n.) a partic. weight of gold (= 1 कर्ष , = 16 माषs , = 80 रक्तिकाs , = about 175 grains troy) Mn. MBh. &c; m. a gold coin Mr2icch. (Monier-Williams)

A bilingual Sumerian's seal reported by Jean-Jacques Glassner and Massimo Vidale signifies 1. name in Sumerian cuneiform script, 2. profession in Meluhha hieroglyphs of Indus Script. The profession is signified by a bull with its head bent downwards -- a signature-tune of Indus writing system. Such animals including wild animals are often shown in front of a trough -- which documents a metalwork guild. Viewed in the context of many artifacts documenting another Meluhha Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplex of 'overflowing water from a pot' which signifies metal implements, this Sumerian seal reinforces and attests to the acculturation of Sumerian artisans to Meluhhan artisanal competence. Hundreds of Indus Script hieroglyphs are signified on cylinder seals of Ancient Near East and along the Persian Gulf and along the Tin Route from Assur to Kultepe, in particular. Many examples are cited in this note; the examples record metalwork catalogues using Indus Script cipher. There are also artifacts like those documenting Ashurbanipal or Tukulti-Ninurta I and II or Gudea signified by Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplexes. There is a possibility that Assur were celebrating Meluhhan heritage, that is, the legacy of Bhāratam Janam, 'metalcaster folk', though speaking a language alien to Akkadians or Sumerians or Elamites or Semites or Amorites. Of course, there were, in the Ancient Near East, eme.bal Meluhha, ‘interpreters of the Meluhha language’. Unfortunately, this seal bought on the market (with little provinience information) remains unpublished by Cabinet des Medailles. The significance of this seal is that it attests to the impact of Indus Script writing system on the form and function of cylinder seals in early Sumer. Use of cuneiform was necessary because the cuneiform writing system was most suitable for signifying names and offices, say, in Akkadian, Sumerian or Elamite. Indus Script Corpora DOES NOT contain personal names and signifies only professions and metals/minerals/alloys/ metal artifacts as catalogus catalogorum, technical specification archiving developments such as cire perdue metalcastings, new alloys of the new ball game of the Tin-Bronze Age. Entry into Cabinet des Médailles, Département des Monnaies, Médailles et Antiques de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, is a department of the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris. A Sumerian seal (not published, held in the Cabinet des Medailles of Paris) discussed by Glassner and Vidale signifies Indus script hieroglyph of a bull with a lowered head. Normally such a bull is shown in front of a trough. The rebus readings of the hieroglyph-multiplex on Indus Script Corpora are: barad, barat 'bull' Rebus: भरत (p. 603) [ bharata ] n A factitious metal compounded of copper, pewter, tin &c. (Marathi) PLUS pattar 'trough' Rebus: pattar 'goldsmith (guild)'. The Sumerian's name which appears on the Sumerian seal in cuneiform text is clearly using the Indus Script hieroglyph-multiplex to connote that he is an artisan in the Meluhha tradition. Maybe, he was a Sumerian artisan working in metal and wood (badhae, takshaka) and adopted the iconographic tradition of Meluhhan artisans present and trading in the territory and who documented Indus Script Corpora to signify -- as proclamations -- metalwork catalogues. “In the third millennium, the term Meluhha designated the Indus valley and its vicinity. This toponym is a foreign one, whose transcription into cuneiform writing makes it look like a Sumerian word. Meluhha was certainly a foreign country where a foreign language was spoken: an old Akkadian cylinder seal retains the name of Shu-ilishu, eme.bal Meluhha, ‘interpreter of the Meluhha language’ (Edzard, D.O.: 1968-9, Die Inschriften der altakkadischen Rollsiegel. Archiv fur Orientforschung 22: 15, no. 33). Besides, a bilingual lexicographical list quotes a word belonging to the language of Meluhha with its Akkadian equivalent u-shamTu = GISH.U.GIR ina-Meluhhi (von Soden 1965: 1159, s.v.); behind the logogram GISH.U.GIR two Akkadian terms stand out: ashagu, one of the most widespread kinds of acacia, and eTTettu/eddetu, a widely distributed boxthorn (von Soden 1965: 77f, 266). Unfortunately, the sources quoting this botanical term are to be dated from the first millennium, a period in which the name Meluhha most generally designated Nubia or Ethiopia and no longer the Indus Valley and Gedrosia (Weidner 1952-3:10…Meluhha = Kashi, that is to say Kush); anyway, at that time, it was a learned term. Further, an old Akkadian juridical text indicates that a certain Lu.sun.zi.da lu Me.luh.ha.ke, ‘Lu.sunzida, man from Meluhha’, has been condemned to pay ten shekels of silver to somebody for having broken his tooth (Sollberger 1972: no.76). The name Lu.sunzida is hapax legomenon in Mesopotamia but it has a good Sumerian look: sun.zi, written without the divine determinative, is a well-documented epithet of the goddess Inanna…The proper name may concern somebody living in a place called Meluhha, such a place having existed at least a century later, within the Lagash territory (Parpola, Parpola and Brunswig 1977). This place has a perfect Sumerian name and there is no proof of any link between it and the foreign country of Meluhha: the Sumerian scribes may have tried to express approximately, through their own graphic system that the provision of a good Sumerian appearance, the pronunciation of a foreign word. An unpublished Harappan seal, kept in the Cabinet des Medailles at Paris, is also of great interest (to be published by D. Arnaud who kindly allowed me to mention it). Its inscription says: ‘So-and-so son of So-and-so’, the two names being typically Sumerian ones. Unfortunately, the seal was bought on the market and therefore nobody knows anything about its origin...Relationship between Mesopotamia and Meluhha went on by sea. We know of ‘Meluhha-boats’ and other ships called magillum. A so-called DAdI (a typical Akkadian name) received at Umma, in the Old Akkadian period, a viaticum as being lu.KU.ma Me.luh.ha.ka. The expression lu.KU may have one of several meanings: lu tukul: a gendarme on a Meluhha boat…the function is generally written lu.gish.tukul; lu.tush: a traveler on a Meluhha boat; lu.dab: a man in charge of a Meluhha boat…An Ur III text says, about a boat coming from Dilmun, that it conveyed several soldiers, aga.us.lugal; but we may have some doubts on their efficiency, as the text specifies that they arrived sick, tu.ra.me…Overland relationships between Mesopotamia and Meluhha also existed. An old Akkadian royal inscription known through an Old Babylonian copy says that Rimush, king of Akkade, defeated in Marhashi, possibly the province of Kerman, a coalition allying Zahara, Elam, Gupin an Meluhha…" (Glassner, Jean-Jacques, 2013, Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha: some observations on language, toponymy, anthroponymy and theonymy, in: Reade, Julian, Indian Ocean in Antiquity, Routledge, pp.236-237).

-- Gudea's Cyliner A refers to trade contact with Meluhha; Begemann et al research finds provenance of copper from Gujarat for tin-bronze artifacts of Mesopotamia -- I posit that tin used for tin-bronzes in Mesopotamia also came through Meluhha from the largest tin belt of the globe, Ancient Far East These trade contacts and the Ancient Maritime Tin Route between Hanoi and Haifa through ancient Indian Himalayan waterways and Indian Ocean maritime routes, may explain the proclamation by Mari priest in a procession heralding the one-horned young bull on a culm-of-millet flagstaff which is the standard of Indus Script, of Sarasvati Civilization epigraphs which now number over 8000 inscriptions. The Mari standard has been read rebus in Meluhha (Indian sprachbund, 'speech union'); see decipherment at Identity and decipherment of 'unicorn' on Indus Script Corpora as a one-horned young bull, to signify workshop of a goldsmith, lapidary (turner, engraver). • http://tinyurl.com/y2uekds6 • I submit that the so-called 'unicorn' on Indus Script Corpora is an orthographic composition (consistent with the styles of creating composite animals) which signifies a young bull, with characteristic orthographic ligatured of one horn, rings on neck, a pannier on shoulder. All these orthographic components are hypertexts read rebus in Meluhha readings for semantic determinatives signified by hieroglyphs: कोंद kōnda 'young bull' rebus: कोंद kōnda 'engraver, turner' kundana 'fine gold' PLUS kōḍu'horn' rebus koḍ 'workplace' PLUS koḍiyum 'ring on neck' rebus: koḍ 'workplace' PLUS khōṇḍī खोंडी 'pannier sack' rebus: कोंद kōnda 'engraver, turner, fine gold'. Thus, the hypertext composition signifies workshop of a goldsmith, lapidary (turner, engraver). A remarkable cognate etymon signifying a young bull is seen in Telugu (Indian sprahbund, 'speech union'): kōḍe. [Tel.] n. A bullcalf. కోడెదూడ. A young bull. కాడిమరపదగినదూడ. Plumpness, prime. తరుణము. జోడుకోడయలు a pair of bullocks. కోడె adj. Young. కోడెత్రాచు a young snake, one in its prime. "కోడెనాగముం బలుగుల రేడుతన్ని కొని పోవుతెరంగు" రామా. vi. కోడెకాడు kōḍe-kāḍu. n. A young man. పడుచువాడు. A lover విటుడు. • Hieroglyph: karba'culm of millet' rebus: karba 'iron'. • The 'rein rings' which constitute the stand for the one--horned young bull held aloft, are read rebus: valgā, bāg-ḍora 'bridle' rebus (metath.) bagalā 'seafaring dhow'. See: Priests of Mohenjo-daro and Mari (Susa) are dhāvaḍ 'iron smelters' http://tinyurl.com/ktafaud The decipherment of the Mari standard held in a procession proves that Meluhha speakers (Meluhha artisans/merchants) who were also scribes/engravers with competence in Indus Writing System were in Mari, Mesopotamia. See: 1. Tin of prehistoric Near East came through karṇika Meluhha helmsmen . The tin problem -- Aurelie Cuenod et al (2015) https://tinyurl.com/y7l8r5tw Muhly, James. "Sources of Tin and the Beginnings of Bronze Metallurgy." American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 89, No. 2 (April 1985): 275-291. This article of James Muhly points to Meluhha as the source of tin in Ancient Near East. The problem of identifying sources of tin is as yet unresolved. 2. Positing a Maritime Meluhha Tin Road. High-tin (33%) bronze mirrors of Ancient India from Harappa to Mahasthangarh http://tinyurl.com/y6blrmy9 I agree with the analysis of TE Potts (Potts, TF, 1994, Mesopotamia and the East. An archaeological and historical stuydy of foreign relations ca. 3400-2000 BCE, Oxford Committee for Archaeology Monograph 37, Oxford) that the tin for the tin-bronzes of ANE was sourced from the East. I further venture to posit that the tin came from the largest tin belt of the globe, through seafaring merchants of Ancient Far East (the Himalayan river basins of Mekong, Irrawaddy and Salween) mediated by Ancient India trade guilds of 4th to 2nd millennia BCE. See. Maritime Meluhha Tin Road links Far East and Near East -- from Hanoi to Haifa creating the Bronze Age revolution https://tinyurl.com/y9sfw4f8 This hypothesis is a work in process.

Are the stone plaques on Figs. 1 to 7 mostly from Ur, offerings to Kings? It appears that wearer of a kaunake is a signifier of a priest (Fig.8).The plaque on Fig. 2 matches with some hieroglyphs on Shu-ilishu cylinder seal (Fig.11) and Standard of Ur -- typically, the hard-player and person carrying a goat, wearers of kaunake-s. The Standard of Ur (Two views on Fig.9, Fig. 10). I suggest that some of the hieroglyphs are Indus Script hieroglyphs.The evidence is presented in Sections 1 to 3. Three hieroglyphs are signifiers of 1. metal equipment maker; 2. coppersmith and 3. copper seafaring merchant. Section 1. Offering of overflowing pot (Fig. 1) (metal equipment maker) The overflowing pot atop the one-horned young bull is an Indus Script hypertext. The rebus reading in Meluhha of the overflowing pot is: lokhaṇḍa 'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware' (Marathi) The expression is composed of two words: '(pot etc.) to overflow' and 'water'. The rebus readings are: 1. (B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. @B24310. #20851. Re(B) {V} ``(pot, etc.) to ^overflow''. See `to be left over'. (Munda ) Rebus: loh ‘copper’ (Hindi) . காண்டம்² kāṇṭam, n. < kāṇḍa. 1. Water; sacred water; நீர். துருத்திவா யதுக்கிய குங்குமக் காண் டமும் (கல்லா. 49, 16). Rebus: khāṇḍā ‘metal tools, pots and pans’ (Marathi). See: Overflowing pot of m1656 pectoral and on Ibni Sharrum cylinder seal signifies Indus Script hypertext lokhaṇḍa 'metal tools, pots and pans, metalware' https://tinyurl.com/y6psctdw Section 2. Harp-player (coppersmith) Hieroglyph: tanbūra 'lyre' Rebus: tam(b)ra 'copper'. Harp-player is a coppersmth: tāmrakāra m. ʻ coppersmith ʼ lex. [tāmrá -- , kāra -- 1] Or. tāmbarā ʻ id. ʼ. See: Association of harp-player Orpheus with golden fleece, a metaphor for gold panning RV 9.13.1 अवि, wool 'Soma strainer' https://tinyurl.com/w4k4x7r Orpheus associated with Jason and Argonauts is also a harp-player. See: Indus Script Civilizational journey of tambur, 'lute'. Hebrew kinnōr 'harp' , kinnara 'musical instrument, celestial choristers' https://tinyurl.com/y8a8w2en Section 3. Goat-carrier (copper seafaring merchant) The goat-carrier signifies that he is a coppersmith. Analogous to the hieroglyph of goat-carrier shown on Shu-ilishu 'Meluhha interpreter' seal (Fig. 11), the goat-carrier on the Ur plaque is a hieroglyphis signifier of: Ka. mēke she-goat; mē the bleating of sheep or goats. Te. mē̃ka, mēka goat. Kol. me·ke id. Nk. mēke id. Pa. mēva, (S.) mēya she-goat. Ga. (Oll.) mēge, (S.) mēge goat. Go. (M) mekā, (Ko.) mēka id. ? Kur. mēxnā (mīxyas) to call, call after loudly, hail. Malt. méqe to bleat. [Te. mr̤ēka (so correct) is of unknown meaning. Br. mēḻẖ is without etymology; see MBE 1980a.] / Cf. Skt. (lex.) meka- goat. (DEDR 5087) Rebus: milakkhu,mleccha 'copper' (Pali. Skt.). Thus, the goat-carrier is a coppersmith. Wall plaque of limestone; would have been fixed in a wall close to a door, and held by a central peg; the upper register of carving shows a naked priest, followed by three worshippers, pouring an offering in front of a seated god; in the lower register there are again three worshippers, two of whom carry animal offerings, while the priest's libation is poured onto a plant in front of a temple building.Fig. 1 British Museum Number 118561"Wall plaque of white limestone; carved with square peg hole in the centre; the upper register of carving shows a naked priest, followed by three worshippers, pouring an offering in front of a seated god; in the lower register there are again three worshippers, two of whom carry animal offerings, while the priest's libation is poured onto a plant in front of a temple building; two engraved signs on the otherwise blank central register between scenes." https://research.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?images=true&objectId=368377&partId=1Image Fig. 2 Stone plaque (Ur?) in three registers provide narratives of life activities: harp-player, water-carrier, offerings to the temple (?) "The most common form of relief sculpture was that of stone plaques (see examples of images attached), 1 foot (30 cm) or more square, pierced in the centre for attachment to the walls of a temple, with scenes depicted in several registers (horizontal rows). The subjects usually seem to be commemorative of specific events, such as feasts or building activities, but representation is highly standardized, so that almost identical plaques have been found at sites as much as 500 miles (800 km) apart." https://www.britannica.com/art/Mesopotamian-art/Sumerian-period Examples of stone plaques Sumerian stone plaque showing ritual offerings to a King. Artist ...Sumerian religion - WikipediaSumer - LookLex EncyclopaediaSumerian Plaque Dedicated To King Ur-Nanshe, The Founder Of The ...Sumerian Plaque Dedicated To King Ur-Nanshe, The Founder Of The ...Fig. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 Plaque Dedicated To King Ur-Nanshe. . Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, Sumeria, wearing a traditional kaunakes, limestone relief, c. 2500 bce; in the Louvre, Paris.Fig. 8 Plaque showing Ur-Nanshe, king of Lagash, Sumeria, wearing a traditional kaunakes, limestone relief, c. 2500 BCE; in the Louvre, Paris. Standard of Ur, ancient city, atlas of mesopotamia, sumer... Fig. 9 Standard of Ur The Standard of Ur (detail), mosaic of lapis lazuli, shell, coloured stone, and mother-of-pearl, c. 2500 BCE; in the British Museum, London. The Standard of Ur (Illustration) - Ancient History EncyclopediaFig. 10 Standard of Ur. Another view. From Ur, southern Iraq, about 2600-2400 BCE "This object was found in one of the largest graves in the Royal Cemetery at Ur, lying in the corner of a chamber above the right shoulder of a man. Its original function is not yet understood...The main panels are known as 'War' and 'Peace'. 'War' shows one of the earliest representations of a Sumerian army. Chariots, each pulled by four donkeys, trample enemies; infantry with cloaks carry spears; enemy soldiers are killed with axes, others are paraded naked and presented to the king who holds a spear.The 'Peace' panel depicts animals, fish and other goods brought in procession to a banquet. Seated figures, wearing woollen fleeces or fringed skirts, drink to the accompaniment of a musician playing a lyre. Banquet scenes such as this are common on cylinder seals of the period, such as on the seal of the 'Queen' Pu-abi, also in the British Museum." https://www.ancient.eu/image/501/the-standard-of-ur/ Fig. 11 Shu-ilishu cylinder seal See: Shu-ilishu cylinder seal with Indus Script hieroglyphs, Akkadian cuneiform inscription confirms Meluhha trade in copper and tin https://tinyurl.com/y2lpc55b Shu-ilishu's Cylinder seal. Courtesy Department des Antiquities Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris. The cuneiform text reads: Shu-Ilishu EME.BAL.ME.LUH.HA.KI (interpreter of Meluhha language). The Shu-ilishu cylinder seal is a clear evidence of the Meluhhan merchants trading in copper and tin, signified by the field symbols vividly portrayed on the cylinder seal. The Meluhha merchant carries melh, mr̤eka 'goat or antelope' rebus: milakkhu 'copper' and the lady accompanying the Meluhhan carries a ranku 'liquid measure' rebus: ranku 'tin'; On the field is shown a crucbile: kuṭhāru 'crucible' rebus: kuṭhāru 'armourer'. Thus, the cylinder seal signifies a trade transaction between a Mesopotamian armourer (Akkadian speaker) and Meluhhans settling a trade contract for their copper and tin. The transaction is mediated by Shu-ilishu, the Akkadian interpreter of Meluhha language.

Kudos to the Archaeology team of La Sapienza University conducting explorations at Abu Tbeirah (Ur) and unearthing links with Meluhha. The name of the nearby city, Ur may relate to the Uru boat of Kerala coast. Carnelian perforated long bead is a signature artifact of Gujarat which is the ancient source for carnelian. La Sapienza archaeological team has discovered an ancient port of Susa at Abu Tbeirah (Ur), firmly attesting contacts with seafaring merchants of Meluhha (Sarasvati Civilization) who wrote in Indus Script documenting their wealth accounting ledgers, metalwork catalogues. Susa of Sumerians is famous for the Susa pot which came with metalware from Meluhha. The pot is now in Louvre Museum. The pot shows Indus Script Hypertexts to describe the metalware catalogue. Indus Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts: 1. Flowing water; 2. fish with fin; 3. aquatic bird tied to a rope Rebus readings of these hieroglyphs/hypertexts signify metal implements from the Meluhha mint. 1. kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: khāṇḍā 'metal equipment'; 2. aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy'; khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaṭ a 'mint, coiner, coinage' 3. करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa ‘duck’ (Samskrtam) rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'; PLUS 4. meṛh 'rope tying to post, pillar’ rebus meḍ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic) Map showing the area of the Elamite kingdom (in orange) and the neighboring areas. The approximate Bronze Age extension of the Persian Gulf is shown. Clay storage pot discovered in Susa (Acropole mound), ca. 2500-2400 BCE (h. 20 ¼ in. or 51 cm). Musee du Louvre. Sb 2723 bis (vers 2450 avant J.C.) The vase a la cachette, shown with its contents. Acropole mound, Susa It is a remarkable 'rosetta stone' because it validates the expression used by Panini: ayaskāṇḍa अयस्--काण्ड [p= 85,1] m. n. " a quantity of iron " or " excellent iron " , (g. कस्का*दि q.v.). The early semantics of this expression is likely to be 'metal implements compared with the Santali expression to signify iron implements: meď 'copper' (Slovāk), mẽṛhẽt,khaṇḍa (Santali) मृदु mṛdu,’soft iron’ (Samskrtam). Santali glosses. Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs painted on the jar are: fish, quail and streams of water; aya 'fish' (Munda) rebus: aya 'iron' (Gujarati) ayas 'metal' (Rigveda) khambhaṛā 'fin' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint' Thus, together ayo kammaṭa, 'metals mint' baṭa 'quail' Rebus: bhaṭa 'furnace'. karaṇḍa 'duck' (Sanskrit) karaṛa 'a very large aquatic bird' (Sindhi) Rebus: करडा karaḍā 'Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c'. (Marathi) PLUS meRh 'tied rope' meṛh f. ʻ rope tying oxen to each other and to post on threshing floor ʼ (Lahnda)(CDIAL 10317) Rebus: mūhā mẽṛhẽt = iron smelted by the Kolhes and formeḍinto an equilateral lump a little pointed at each end; mẽṛhẽt, meḍ ‘iron’ (Mu.Ho.) Thus, read together, the proclamation on the jar by the painted hieroglyphs is: baṭa meṛh karaḍā ayas kāṇḍa 'hard alloy iron metal implements out of the furnace (smithy)'. This is a jar closed with a ducted bowl. The treasure called "vase in hiding" was initially grouped in two containers with lids. The second ceramic vessel was covered with a copper lid. It no longer exists leaving only one. Both pottery contained a variety of small objects form a treasure six seals, which range from Proto-Elamite period (3100-2750 BCE) to the oldest, the most recent being dated to 2450 BCE (First Dynasty of Ur). Therefore it is possible to date these objects, this treasure. Everything included 29 vessels including 11 banded alabaster, mirror, tools and weapons made of copper and bronze, 5 pellets crucibles copper, 4 rings with three gold and a silver, a small figurine of a frog lapis lazuli, gold beads 9, 13 small stones and glazed shard. "In the third millenium Sumerian texts list copper among the raw materials reaching Uruk from Aratta and all three of the regions Magan, Meluhha and Dilmun are associated with copper, but the latter only as an emporium. Gudea refers obliquely to receiving copper from Dilmun: 'He (Gudea) conferred with the divine Ninzaga (= Enzak of Dilmun), who transported copper like grain deliveries to the temple builder Gudea...' (Cylinder A: XV, 11-18, Englund 1983, 88, n.6). Magan was certainly a land producing the metal, since it is occasionally referred to as the 'mountain of copper'. It may also have been the source of finished bronze objects." "Susa... profound affinity between the Elamite people who migrated to Anshan and Susa and the Dilmunite people... Elam proper corresponded to the plateau of Fars with its capital at Anshan. We think, however that it probably extended further north into the Bakhtiari Mountains... likely that the chlorite and serpentine vases reached Susa by sea... From the victory proclamations of the kings of Akkad we also learn that the city of Anshan had been re-established, as the capital of a revitalised political ally: Elam itself... the import by Ur and Eshnunna of inscribed objects typical of the Harappan culture provides the first reliable chronological evidence. [C.J. Gadd, Seals of ancient style found at Ur, Proceedings of the British Academy, XVIII, 1932; Henry Frankfort, Tell Asmar, Khafaje and Khorsabad, OIC, 16, 1933, p. 50, fig. 22). It is certainly possible that writing developed in India before this time, but we have no real proof. Now Susa had received evidence of this same civilisation, admittedly not all dating from the Akkadian period, but apparently spanning all the closing years of the third millennium (L. Delaporte, Musee du Louvre. Catalogues des Cylindres Orientaux..., vol. I, 1920pl. 25(15), S.29. P. Amiet, Glyptique susienne,MDAI, 43, 1972, vol. II, pl. 153, no. 1643)... B. Buchanan has published a tablet dating from the reign of Gungunum of Larsa, in the twentieth century BC, which carries the impression of such a stamp seal. (B.Buchanan, Studies in honor of Benno Landsberger, Chicago, 1965, p. 204, s.). The date so revealed has been wholly confirmed by the impression of a stamp seal from the group, fig. 85, found on a Susa tablet of the same period. (P. Amiet, Antiquites du Desert de Lut, RA, 68, 1974, p. 109, fig. 16. Maurice Lambert, RA, 70, 1976, p. 71-72). It is in fact, a receipt of the kind in use at the beginning of the Isin-Larsa period, and mentions a certain Milhi-El, son of Tem-Enzag, who, from the name of his god, must be a Dilmunite. In these circumstances we may wonder if this document had not been drawn up at Dilmun and sent to Susa after sealing with a local stamp seal. This seal is decorated with six tightly-packed, crouching animals, characterised by vague shapes, with legs under their bodies, huge heads and necks sometimes striped obliquely. The impression of another seal of similar type, fig. 86, depicts in the centre a throned figure who seems to dominate the animals, continuing a tradition of which examples are known at the end of the Ubaid period in Assyria... Fig. 87 to 89 are Dilmun-type seals found at Susa. The boss is semi-spherical and decorated with a band across the centre and four incised circles. [Pierre Amiet, Susa and the Dilmun Culture, pp. 262-268]. See: http://tinyurl.com/kwshofn Uru is a boat with an ancient design . T his boom had been originally built in Beypore, Kerala, India " The Uru, or "Fat Boat", is a generic name for large Dhow-type wooden ships made by vishwabrahmins in Beypore, a village south of Kozhikode, Kerala, in the southwestern coast of India. This type of boat has been used by the Arabs since ancient times as trading vessels, and even now, urus are being manufactured and exported to Arab nations from Beypore. These boats used to be built of several types of wood, the main one being teak. The teak was taken from Nilambur forests in earlier times, but now imported Malaysian teak is used. A couple of boat-building yards can still be found near the Beypore port... The art of Uru making in Beypore, on the northern coast of Kerala, is as old as the beginnings of India’s maritime trade with Mesopotamia. Arguably the biggest handicraft in the world, the Uru, as the wooden dhow is called, connects this sleepy town on the outskirts of Kozhikode to the heyday of the spice trade. Loud thuds of craftsmen’s tools on timber from the Uru-crafting yards and rather unassuming sheds greet the visitor to the islands dotting the Chaliyar river which have kept the unique tradition alive for over a millennium. ." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uru_(boat) Found at #abutbeirah, these #vague in #carnelian of the #akkadian period (2300-2200 BC) come from the valley of #indo. Archaeology Magazine‏ @archaeologymag 10h10 hours ago More Remains of a Sumerian port dating back more than 4,000 years, along with evidence of long-distance trade, such as these carnelian beads from India, have been unearthed in Iraq http://archaeology.org/issues/304-1807/from-the-trenches/6687-trenches-iraq-sumerian-port … It's in the fertile crescent, between the rivers #tigers and #Euphrates, which developed the major cities of #sumer like #eridu, #ur, #uruk and others. The Leitmotif of this historical-cultural and demographic movement was #agriculture, developed thanks to an advanced irrigation system combined with the domestication of some varieties of #barley. #Mesopotamia #Archaeology #Iraq #Sumerian Ph: view of the city of uruk, 2017. Source: D ' Agostino 2014, " but who were the #sumerians?" in live archaeology, n. 166, p. 53

Two sets of evidences interccltural transactions with Meluhha (Sarasvati Civilization) presented by Maurizio Tosi and JM Kenoyer, link with the decipherment of Indus Script and bronze age revolution spearheaded by Sarasvati Civilization of Ancient India. Cylinder seals made of shell from Susa and ANE discussed in this monograph, are signature tunes of turbinella pyrum shell available only from the coastline of India, indicating that seafaring merchants and artisans of Meluhha were engaged in Bronce Age Tin-Bronze Revolution barter trade with Ancient Near East.. 1. Maurizio Tosi reported a remarkable Susa pot in Louvre Museum containing bronze metalware. Clay storage pot discovered in Susa (Acropole mound), ca. 2500-2400 BCE (h. 20 ¼ in. or 51 cm). Musee du Louvre. Sb 2723 bis (vers 2450 avant J.C.) Below the rim of the Susa storage pot, the contents are described in Sarasvati Script hieroglyphs/hypertexts: 1. Flowing water; 2. fish with fin; 3. aquatic bird tied to a rope Rebus readings of these hieroglyphs/hypertexts signify metal implements from the Meluhha mint. The hieroglyphs and Meluhha rebus readings on this pot from Meluhha are: 1. kāṇḍa 'water' rebus: khāṇḍā 'metal equipment'; 2. aya, ayo 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'metal alloy'; khambhaṛā 'fish fin' rebus: kammaṭ a 'mint, coiner, coinage' 3. करड m. a sort of duck -- f. a partic. kind of bird ; S. karaṛa -ḍhī˜gu m. a very large aquatic bird (CDIAL 2787) karaṇḍa‘duck’ (Samskrtam) rebus: karaḍā 'hard alloy'; PLUS 4. meṛh 'rope tying to post, pillar’ rebus meḍ‘iron’ med ‘copper’ (Slavic) Alternative: pōlaḍu, 'black drongo',rebus: pōlaḍ, 'steel'. (Note: the contents of the Susa pot should be subjected to archaeometallurgical analyses to detail the mineral contents of the metalware). See: Eureka moment. Like the storage pot described by Mortimer Wheeler in a Mohenjo-daro marketplace, Indus Script Hypertexts on Susa storage pot from Meluhha describe contents: metalware https://tinyurl.com/yd64r2at 2. JM Kenoyer has reported evidence of turbinella pyrum wide bangle and two cylinder seals from Susa. Jonathan Mark Kenoyer, 2008, Indus and Mesopotamian Trade Networks: new insights from shell and carnelian artifacts, in: E.Olijdam & RH Spoor (eds.), Intercultural relations between south and southwest Asia in commemoration of ECL During Caspers (1934-1996), BAR International Series 1826 (2008): 19-28 https://tinyurl.com/ujtwdqp Royal game board , found by Leonard Woolley in the Royal Cemetery at Ur, southern Iraq, about 2600-2400 BC. inlay of shell, red limestone and lapis lazuli Alamy - Image ID: EX70R3 Wealth is signified by the animals shown on another gaming board. On the cover Expedition, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Special Issue: Ur), UPenn Museum: Gaming board of shell and lapis lazuli from RT. 580 in the Royal Cemetery, now in the University Museum.Collection Object Number: B16742 Mesopotamian cylinder seals and Tell Asmar cylinder seal presented by Frankfort (Annex) indicate the animals as wealth resource (read rebus in Indus Script Cipher). A warrior, ca. 2500 B.C. with helmet, battle-axe and sickle-sword; a small plaque of engraved shell from the ancient city of Mari on the Euphrates (Musee National de Louvre, Paris) The image created on the shell plaque is that of a Meluhha artisan carrying bronze tools. Cylinder (white shell) seal impression; Ur, Mesopotamia (IM 8028); white shell. height 1.7 cm., dia. 0.9 cm.; cf. Gadd, PBA 18 (1932), pp. 7-8, pl. I, no.7; Mitchell 1986: 280-1, no.8 and fig. 112; Parpola, 1994, p. 181; fish vertically in front of and horizontally above a unicorn; trefoil design Photo by William Clough Hieroglyphs of Indus Script: fish: aya 'fish' rebus: aya 'iron' ayas 'alloy metal' kuThi 'tree' rebus: kuThi 'smelter, workshop or manufactory'.; One-horned young bull: khonda 'young bull' rebus: konda 'furnace' kunda 'fine gold' singhin 'spiny horned' rebus; singi 'ornament gold'. The sprout behind the young bull: pajhaṛ = to sprout from a root (Santali); Rebus: pasra 'smithy, forge' (Santali) Alternative: mogge 'sprout, bud' Rebus: mū̃h 'ingot' ã̄gru sprout, rebus: aṅgar 'carbon element (to carburize metal to harden it'.koḍa 'sprout'.rebus: koḍa 'workshop'. karibha, ibha 'elephant' rebus: karba, ib 'iron' karA 'crocodile' rebus: khAr 'blacksmith' gaṇḍa 'rhinoceros'; rebus:khaṇḍa 'tools'. Imported Indian seal from Tell Asmar. "The Indus civilization used the signet, but knew the cylinder seal. Whether the five tall ivory cylinders [4] tentatively explained as seals in Sir John Marshall's work were used for that purpose remains uncertain. They have nothing in common with the seal cylinders of the Near East. In the upper layers of Mohenjo Daro, however, three cylinder seals were found [2,3]. The published specimen shows two animals with birds upon their backs [2], a snake and a small conventional tree. It is an inferior piece of work which displays none of the characteristics of the finely engraved stamp-seals which are so distinctive a feature of early Indian remains. Another cylinder of glazed steatite was discovered at Tell Asmar in Iraq, but here the peculiarities of design, as well as the subject, show such close resemblances to seals from the Indus valley that its Indian origin is certain [3]. The elephant, rhinoceros and crocodile (gharial), foreign to Babylonia, were obviously carved by an artist to whom they were familiar, as appears from the faithful rendering of the skin of the rhinoceros (closely resembling the plate-armour) and the sloping back and bulbous forehead of the elephant. Certain other peculiarities of style connect the seal as definitely with the Indus civilisation as if it actually bore the signs of the Indus script. Such is the convention by which the feet of the elephant are rendered and the network of lines, in other Indian seals mostly confined to the ears, but extending here over the whole of his head and trunk. The setting of the ears of the rhinoceros on two little stems is also a feature connecting this cylinder with the Indus valley seals." (H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, Macmillan and Co., 1939, p. 304-305.) "Mari Cylinder seal, ca. 2200 B.C.E., shell with copper alloy caps, National Museum, Damascus. Two types of seals were common in the ancient Near East: stamp seals and cylinder seals. Stamp seals were used to secure correspondence or establish ownership with an embossed pad of clay called a bulla. Stamp seals were often inscribed with the owner’s name or symbol. The rope knot securing hides or cloth or other product would be covered with wet clay, and the seal would be pressed into the clay.Cylinder seals were used to roll an impression onto a two-dimensional surface, generally a damp clay cuneiform document or envelope. Cylinder seals were invented around 3500 BC in the Near East in south-western Iran and Uruk in southern Mesopotamia. This seal is from Mari and shows a bearded god sitting on mountain. Two tree goddesses are flanking this central figure at same height or importance.Cylinder seals and stamp seals were integral part of daily life in ancient Mesopotamia and were used by everyone, from kings to slaves, in the transaction of business and sending correspondence." https://www.bibleodyssey.org/en/tools/image-gallery/m/mari-cylinder-seal Hieroglyph: dhanga 'mountain range' Rebus: dhangar 'blacksmith' मेढ 'Polar star' Rebus: mẽṛhẽt, meḍ 'iron' (Ho.Munda); medhā, 'yajña, wealth, dhanam'. Shell bangle from Susa (After Jarrige 1988:48 Louvre Sb14473, Fouilles de J. de Morgan) Meluhha rebus reading signifying the professional competence of the wearer: karã̄ n. pl. wristlets, bangles Rebus: khār 'blacksmith, ironsmith' Shell cylinder seals from Ur. 1) Shell cylinder seal found with groom in Puabi’s tomb (PG 800), height 31 mm, dia. 16 mm. B 16747 (U.10530); 2) Shell cylinder seal found near skeleton (PG 1054), height 34 mm, dia. 16 mm, 30-12-8 (U.11528) (After Zettler & Horne, 1998). arye 'lion' (Akkadian) rebus: arA 'brass' melh 'goat' rebus: milakkhu 'copper'.dula 'pair' rebus: dul 'metal casting'.

In: Szilvia Sövegjártó – Márton Vér (eds.): Exploring Multilingualism and Multiscriptism in Written Artefacts. Studies in Manuscript Cultures 38. Berlin – Boston, Walter de Gruyter, 331-346.

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Indus Seals and the Indus Civilization Script

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The Indus Civilization —also called the Indus Valley Civilization, Harappan, Indus-Sarasvati or Hakra Civilization—was based in an area of some 1.6 million square kilometers in what is today eastern Pakistan and northeastern India between about 2500-1900 BC. There are 2,600 known Indus sites, from enormous urban cities like Mohenjo Daro and Mehrgarh to small villages like Nausharo.

Does the Indus Civilization's Script Represent a Language?

Image courtesy of J.M. Kenoyer / Harappa.com

Although quite a bit of archaeological data has been collected, we know almost nothing about the history of this massive civilization, because we haven't deciphered the language yet. About 6,000 representations of glyph strings have been discovered at Indus sites, mostly on square or rectangular seals like the ones in this photo essay. Some scholars—notably Steve Farmer and associates in 2004—argue that the glyphs don't really represent a full language, but rather simply a non-structured symbol system.

An article written by Rajesh P.N. Rao (a computer scientist at the University of Washington) and colleagues in Mumbai and Chennai and published in Science on April 23, 2009, provides evidence that the glyphs really do represent a language. This photo essay will provide some context of that argument, as well as photos of Indus seals, provided by researcher J.N. Kenoyer of the University of Wisconsin and Harappa.com .

What Exactly Is a Stamp Seal?

Image courtesy of J.M. Kenoyer / Harappa.com 

The script of the Indus civilization has been found on stamp seals, pottery, tablets, tools, and weapons. Of all these types of inscriptions, stamp seals are the most numerous, and they are the focus of this photo essay.

A stamp seal is something used by the—well you absolutely have to call it the international trade network of the Bronze age Mediterranean societies, including Mesopotamia and pretty much anybody who traded with them. In Mesopotamia, carved pieces of stone were pressed into the clay used to seal packages of trade goods. The impressions on the seals often listed the contents, or the origin, or the destination, or the number of goods in the package, or all of the above.

The Mesopotamian stamp seal network is widely considered the first language in the world, developed because of the need for accountants to track whatever was being traded. CPAs of the world, take a bow!

What Are the Seals of the Indus Civilization Like?

Indus civilization stamp seals are usually square to rectangular, and about 2-3 centimeters on a side, although there are larger and smaller ones. They were carved using bronze or flint tools, and they generally include an animal representation and a handful of glyphs.

Animals represented on the seals are mostly, interestingly enough, unicorns—basically, a bull with one horn, whether they're "unicorns" in the mythical sense or not is vigorously debated. There are also (in descending order of frequency) short-horned bulls, zebus, rhinoceroses, goat-antelope mixtures, bull-antelope mixtures, tigers, buffaloes, hares, elephants, and goats.

Some question has arisen about whether these were seals at all—there are very few sealings (the impressed clay) which have been discovered. That's definitely different from the Mesopotamian model, where the seals were clearly used as accounting devices: archaeologists have found rooms with hundreds of clay sealings all stacked and ready for counting. Further, the Indus seals don't show a lot of use-wear, compared to Mesopotamian versions. That may mean that it wasn't the seal's impression in clay that was important, but rather the seal itself that was meaningful.

What Does the Indus Script Represent?

So if the seals weren't necessarily stamps, then they don't necessarily have to include information about the contents of a jar or package being sent to a faraway land. Which is really too bad for us—decipherment would somewhat easier if we know or could guess that the glyphs represent something that might be shipped in a jar (Harappans grew wheat , barley , and rice , among other things) or that part of the glyphs might be numbers or place names.

Since the seals aren't necessarily stamp seals, do the glyphs have to represent a language at all? Well, the glyphs do recur. There are a fish-like glyph and a grid and a diamond shape and a u-shape thing with wings sometimes called a double-reed that are all found repeatedly in Indus scripts, whether on seals or on pottery sherds.

What Rao and his associates did was try to find out if the number and occurrence pattern of glyphs was repetitive, but not too repetitive. You see, language is structured, but not rigidly so. Some other cultures have glyphic representations that are considered not a language, because they appear randomly, like the Vinč inscriptions of southeastern Europe. Others are rigidly patterned, like a Near Eastern pantheon list, with always the head god listed first, followed by the second in command, down to the least important. Not a sentence so much as a list.

So Rao, a computer scientist, looked at the way the various symbols are structured on the seals, to see if he could spot a non-random but recurring pattern.

Comparing Indus Script to Other Ancient Languages

What Rao and his associates did was compare the relative disorder of the glyph positions to that of five types of known natural languages (Sumerian, Old Tamil, Rig Vedic Sanskrit , and English); four types of non-languages (Vinča inscriptions and Near Eastern deity lists, human DNA sequences and bacterial protein sequences); and an artificially-created language (Fortran).

They found that, indeed, the occurrence of glyphs is both non-random and patterned, but not rigidly so, and the characteristic of that language falls within the same non-randomness and lack of rigidity as recognized languages.

It may be that we will never crack the code of the ancient Indus. The reason we could crack Egyptian hieroglyphs and Akkadian rests primarily on the availability of the multi-language texts of the Rosetta Stone and the Behistun Inscription . The Mycenaean Linear B was cracked using tens of thousands of inscriptions. But, what Rao has done gives us hope that one day, maybe somebody like Asko Parpola may crack the Indus script.

• Rao, Rajesh P. N., et al. 2009 Entropic Evidence for Linguistic Structure in the Indus Script. Science Express 23 April 2009
• Steve Farmer, Richard Sproat, and Michael Witzel. 2004. The Collapse of the Indus-Script Thesis: The Myth of a Literate Harappan Civilization . EJVS 11-2: 19-57.
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Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History Essays

The middle babylonian / kassite period (ca. 1595–1155 b.c.) in mesopotamia.

Cylinder seal cap

Cuneiform tablet: Sumerian dedicatory(?) inscription from Ekur, the temple of the god Enlil

Cylinder seal and modern impression: male worshiper, dog surmounted by a standard

Cylinder seal

Bead with cuneiform inscription of Kurigalzu I or II

Stele of the protective goddess Lama

Inscribed brick: dedicatory inscription of Adad-shuma-usur

Top fragment of a kudurru with a mushhushshu dragon and divine symbols

Panel with striding lion

Elizabeth Knott Department of Ancient Near Eastern Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Modern chronology uses the sack of Babylon by a Hittite army in 1595 B.C. as the dividing line between the Old Babylonian (1894–1595 B.C.) and Middle Babylonian (1595–1155 B.C.) periods in southern Mesopotamia. Yet the powers that arose in the wake of Hammurabi’s dynasty were already emergent in the decades leading up to the Hittite raid. Cities in the deep south broke off from the Babylonian state (they became known as the First Sealand Dynasty), and the Kassites, a non-Babylonian people identifiable by their distinct language and thought to originate in the Zagros Mountains east of Mesopotamia, took part in regional fighting. Although events following the Hittite raid remain obscure, rulers with Kassite-language names eventually assumed political power in southern Mesopotamia—first in the area around Babylon, and then by conquering the southern cities held by the First Sealand Dynasty around 1475 B.C. Their period of rule, known as the Kassite period, was so long lasting that it is virtually synonymous with the Middle Babylonian period.

Kassite wealth and control of resources was such that the ruler Kurigalzu I could, around the end of the fifteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century B.C., build a new royal city that bore his name (Dur-Kurigalzu, “Fortress of Kurigalzu”), filled with a palace and temples. He ruled a territorial state (Babylonia) that stretched as far south as Dilmun (modern Bahrain) in the Persian Gulf, and he and his descendants were in regular contact with rulers in Mitanni and then Hatti  and Assyria in northern Mesopotamia and Anatolia, Egypt  to the south, and Elam in Iran to the east (as witnessed in part by the Amarna Letters ). Information about the heyday of the Kassite period, however, is skewed by the modern constraints of archaeology: thousands of administrative records from the city of Nippur were recovered, for example, but the remains of Babylon dated to the Kassite period have been little explored due to the presence of remains from later periods above them and the high level of the groundwater at the site today.

Interactions with other rulers and states, while economically necessary and largely beneficial for the elite, were not always peaceful. Kassite rulers clashed with rulers in Assyria and Elam. Tukulti-Ninurta of Assyria conquered Babylon in 1225 B.C., but the Kassites survived Assyrian pressure until twelfth-century wars with Elam finally resulted in the end of their suzerainty. During subsequent raids, Elamite troops stole numerous monuments from sanctuaries across southern Mesopotamia and carried them back to Susa, contributing to the unevenness of the archaeological record for this period. These raids led to the collapse of the Kassite dynasty in 1155 B.C.

At the end of the Middle Babylonian period, power in southern Mesopotamia returned to Isin in the deep south (identified in modern chronology as the Second Dynasty of Isin, ca. 1155–1026 B.C.), and the Elamite forces were first repelled, then attacked, when king Nebuchadnezzar I (ca. 1125–1104 B.C.) sacked Susa in ca. 1100 B.C. The statue of the god Marduk, stolen by the Elamites, was returned to Babylon , the now-established seat of cosmic and earthly rule. We know little about this and other southern Mesopotamian dynasties of the late second millennium B.C., as events across the ancient Near East ushered in an age of political turmoil, where again the textual record falls silent.

Art and Culture Despite the unevenness of the archaeological record, various media reflect the development of the arts during the Kassite period. Kassite rulers, it would seem, both mastered and manipulated traditional Mesopotamian forms and expressions of kingship. The ongoing construction of (elite) identity was a thoughtful response to the historical traditions of Mesopotamia on the one hand, and contemporary internationalizing trends on the other.

Kassite rulers belonged to an international world of closely connected royal courts, as documented in part by the Amarna Letters . Far-reaching connections helped secure precious and semi-precious stones (e.g., 1994.433 ), but Kassite craftsmen also worked with clay to create carefully modeled representations of humans and animals ( 1989.233 ). Kassite artists also experimented with the molding and glazing of brick, a new technology that was developed further in later Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid architecture ( 31.13.1 ; 31.13.2 ).

Cylinder seals in the Kassite period were carved with elongated figures and long inscriptions, usually prayers, on colorful precious and semi-precious stones that would have been imported from afar ( 1985.357.44 ; 1985.357.25 ; 1985.357.29 ). Beyond emphasizing the amuletic power of seals of precious stones, the prayers inscribed on them demonstrate the carvers’ careful attention to text, with beautifully carved inscriptions. (A second style of Kassite-period cylinder seal carving appears to respond to contemporary trends in Egypt and Assyria.) Kassite cylinders were often set in granulated gold caps ( 47.1l ), a setting that would have accentuated the stones’ brilliant colors and added to their amuletic efficacy.

As in preceding periods, Kassite rulers expended enormous effort on the restoration and construction of the gods’ abodes. The remains of their building works can still be seen in Iraq today, and are memorialized by inscribed dedicatory objects like stelae and foundation bricks that would have been deposited in temples ( 61.12 and 59.41.82 ; 41.160.187 ). The role that cuneiform writing played in the construction of Kassite royal identity is clearly visible in these works, as well as in other media from this period. Their inscriptions are written in the already long-dead Sumerian language, with carefully carved archaic forms of the script. Contemporary and later Assyrian records recall the Kassite rulers as the stewards of literary compositions and erudite knowledge, attributing to them early attempts in collecting and codification.

Perhaps the most distinctive remains of the Kassite period are the inscribed monuments known today as kudurru s, or “boundary stones.” Although highly polished stone monuments (called naru s) are known throughout Mesopotamian history, this new form of naru emerged during the Kassite period. Contrary to what their name suggests, kudurru s were set up inside temples, where they acted as monumental records of real estate transactions meant to last for eternity. Their decoration often includes rows of divine symbols, most representing Mesopotamian deities but also including those of gods introduced by the Kassites. Kudurru s continued to be popular in southern Mesopotamia after the end of the Kassite period ( 1985.45 ), one among many legacies of Kassite rule.

Knott, Elizabeth. “The Middle Babylonian / Kassite Period (ca. 1595–1155 B.C.) in Mesopotamia.” In  Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History . New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000–. http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/kass/hd_kass.htm (June 2016)

Further Reading

Aruz, Joan, Kim Benzel, and Jean M. Evans. Beyond Babylon: Art, Trade, and Diplomacy in the Second Millennium B.C. . New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2009. See on MetPublications

Bahrani, Zainab. "The Babylonian Visual Image." In The Babylonian World , edited by Gwendolyn Leick, pp. 155–70. New York: Routledge, 2007.

Brinkman, J. A. "Kassiten." In Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Voderasiatischen Archäologie , edited by E. Ebeling and B. Meissner, vol. 5, pp. 464–73. Berlin, 1976–80.

Malko, Helen. "Investigation into the Impacts of Foreign Ruling Elites in Traditional State Societies: The Case of the Kassite State in Babylonia (Iraq)." PhD diss., Stony Brook University, 2014.

Slanski, Kathryn E. "Classification, Historiography and Monumental Authority: The Babylonian Entitlement narû s ( kudurru s)." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 52 (2000), pp. 95–114.

Van De Mieroop, Marc. The Eastern Mediterranean in the Age of Ramesses II . Oxford: Blackwell, 2007.

Additional Essays by Elizabeth Knott

• Knott, Elizabeth. “ The Amarna Letters .” (October 2016)
• Knott, Elizabeth. “ Ancient Near Eastern Openwork Bronzes .” (January 2017)
• Knott, Elizabeth. “ The Isin-Larsa and Old Babylonian Periods (2004–1595 B.C.) .” (February 2017)

Related Essays

• The Hittites
• The Isin-Larsa and Old Babylonian Periods (2004–1595 B.C.)
• Mesopotamian Deities
• The Origins of Writing
• The Achaemenid Persian Empire (550–330 B.C.)
• The Akkadian Period (ca. 2350–2150 B.C.)
• The Amarna Letters
• Animals in Ancient Near Eastern Art
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• Assyria, 1365–609 B.C.
• Early Excavations in Assyria
• Egypt in the New Kingdom (ca. 1550–1070 B.C.)
• Flood Stories
• The Gods and Goddesses of Canaan
• Mesopotamian Creation Myths
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• Uruk: The First City

List of Rulers

• List of Rulers of Mesopotamia
• Mesopotamia, 2000–1000 B.C.
• 2nd Millennium B.C.
• Achaemenid Empire
• Ancient Egyptian Art
• Ancient Near Eastern Art
• Archaeology
• Architectural Element
• Architecture
• Assyrian Art
• Babylonian Art
• Cylinder Seal
• Deity / Religious Figure
• Egyptian Art in the New Kingdom
• Elamite Art
• Hittite Empire
• Kassite Period
• Literature / Poetry
• Mesopotamian Art
• Religious Art
• Sculpture in the Round
• Semi-Precious Stone

Online Features

• 82nd & Fifth: “Bricks” by Sarah B. Graff
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