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Do Overcrowding and Turnover Cause Violence in Prison?

Stéphanie baggio.

1 Division of Prison Health, Geneva University Hospitals and University of Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland

2 Department of Forensic Psychiatry, Institute of Forensic Medicine, University of Bern, Bern, Switzerland

Nicolas Peigné

Patrick heller.

3 Adult Psychiatry Division, Department of Mental Health and Psychiatry, Geneva University Hospitals, Geneva, Switzerland

Laurent Gétaz

4 Division of Tropical and Humanitarian Medicine, Geneva University Hospitals and University of Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland

Michael Liebrenz

Associated data.

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation, to any qualified researcher.

Violence is common in prison and its individual risk factors are well documented. However, there is a mixed evidence on the relationship between prison violence and institutional factors, such as overcrowding and turnover, and recent research suggested that these factors may not be important or relevant. This study investigated the association between prison violence and institutional factors in a Swiss pre-trial prison between 2013 and 2018. Measures included violence (assaults requiring immediate medical attention) as well as the annual overcrowding and turnover rates. Using a meta-regression, the results showed that prison violence was higher when overcrowding and turnover increased. Overall, our study highlighted that institutional prison factors might have notable detrimental effects on prison life. Reduction of prison overcrowding and turnover appear critical to reduce prisoners’ vulnerability. Turning prison into safe places designed to promote desistance would probably not be achievable without considering these crucial factors.

Introduction

Prison overcrowding, when the number of prisoners exceeds the prison capacity, is an important concern worldwide. In 2018, overcrowding remained one of the most important issues in prison ( 1 ), with 27 countries operating at 150% to 200% ( 2 ). Turnover, the rate at which the prison population is renewed, has been less extensively studied ( 3 , 4 ), but may also have detrimental consequences for prisoners ( 4 ). Both can undermine the ability of prison systems to meet human needs, including access to appropriate accommodation, timely health care, and access to rehabilitation programs and educational or vocational activities ( 5 ).

However, in a recent empirical study, Fazel, Ramesh & Hawton ( 3 ) underscored the importance of individual over institutional factors. In their multicentric study conducted in 24 high-income countries, there was no significant association between prison suicide and two major institutional factors, namely overcrowding and turnover. These findings resulted in a call to focus on individual and relevant ecological factors ( 3 ). This mixed evidence also applies to prison violence: A meta-analysis to conclude that future policies should focus on “more important predictors” than overcrowding to predict (violent) misconduct ( 6 , p. 409), even if overcrowding has long been described as a potential risk for prison violence ( 7 ).

These conclusions have risen legitimate fears of misinterpretation and neglect of critical institutional factors ( 8 ). Besides, very recent prison studies highlighted significant associations between overcrowding, turnover, and self-harm ( 4 ); and between overcrowding and violent misconduct ( 9 , 10 ). Another recent study also reported that institutional infractions were more likely to happen a few months after entry ( 11 ). As turnover is associated with an increased number of prison entries, it may lead to increased levels of misconduct, infractions, and violence.

This study focused on violence against others, as there is a paucity of empirical studies investigating the association between institutional factors and this kind of violence. Prison violence has been most often investigated using assaults registered in official prison records (i.e., “violent misconduct”) ( 6 , 7 ). In addition, to our knowledge, previous studies on prison violence focused on overcrowding and turnover has been neglected. We hypothesized that institutional factors would lead to increased levels of violence, and thus, that these factors should not be neglected in empirical prison studies and health policy.

Materials and Methods

Prison-level data were collected between 2013 and 2018 in a Swiss pre-trial prison located in Geneva (Champ-Dollon). This prison is mainly a pre-trial prison, but there are also sentenced detainees. In this prison, prisoners spend 23 h a day in their cell. The prison capacity was 376 (with 22 additional places in 2017 and 2018). Nurses are present in the prison 24/7 in a prison medical unit. This prison has been repeatedly criticized by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) for chronic overcrowding and detention setting, including lack of activities ( 12 ). Data were collected using prison-level statistics and prison nurses’ records. Since we used anonymous quality control data, ethical approval was not required.

Prison Overcrowding

The annual overcrowding rate was computed by dividing the annual mean daily population by the prison capacity. It was extracted from the statistics available each year for the whole prison, upon request to the direction of the prison.

Turnover Ratio

The turnover rate was computed using the number of releases divided by the number of entries plus the average prison population of the previous year ( 3 ). It was also extracted from the statistics available each year for the whole prison, upon request to the direction of the prison.

Nurses recorded systematically and anonymously each assault requiring medical attention immediately after its occurrence, in accordance with the guidelines of a previous study on prison violence, recommending a systematic statistical recording of routine data on prison violence, to standardize injury surveillance ( 13 ).

Statistical Analyses

We tested the association between violence, overcrowding, and turnover using a fixed-effect multivariate meta-regression. Each year was considered as a separate sample (too few events to consider months as separate samples). Analyses were performed with R 3.5.1 (package metaphor 2.0.0).

Over the study period, the average rate of overcrowding was 175.4% and the turnover rate 73.2%. This meant that the prison was overcrowded, as the number of prisoners exceeded its official capacity (100%). However, there is no official definition of what constitutes overcrowding ( 5 ). The turnover rate was also high, with on average 73.2% of the prison population entirely reviewed each year. On average, there was 9.1% of cases of violence/population of inmates over the study period. The meta-analytic prevalence estimate for prison violence over the study period was 8.5% (95% confidence interval: 7.6%–9.3%).

There were significant effects of both overcrowding (b = 0.001, p < .001) and turnover (b = 0.009, p < .001) on prison violence. Increased overcrowding and turnover were associated with increased prevalence estimates of violence. When overcrowding increased of one point (on a one hundred percent scale), prison violence increased of 0.1 point of percentage. Figure 1 shows that increased levels of overcrowding were associated with higher prevalence estimates of prison violence. When turnover increased of one point (on a one hundred percent scale), prison violence increased of 0.9 point of percentage. The pattern was less clear in the forest plot depicted in Figure 1 , but the effect was nonetheless significant.

An external file that holds a picture, illustration, etc.
Object name is fpsyt-10-01015-g001.jpg

Forest plot of the effect of overcrowding and turnover on prison violence, sorted by overcrowding rate. 95% CI: 95% confidence intervals. Whiskers represent 95% CI for the prevalence estimate of each year. Prevalence estimates are reported for assaults requiring immediate medical attention. Overcrowding and turnover are reported as percentages.

In our study, there was a meta-analytic percentage of 8.5% of assaults requiring immediate medical attention. This percentage ranged between previous estimates, from 0.8% for assaults classified as violent misconduct in official prison reports ( 9 ) to 23.5% of assaults (including assaults against staff) classified as disciplinary offences in official prison reports ( 10 ). As these studies used very different measures to assess prison violence and were conducted in different settings, comparisons are not possible.

Our study showed that institutional prison factors were significantly associated with prison violence (i.e., assaults requiring immediate medical attention). This result replicated recent empirical findings focusing on overcrowding in the US and using official misconduct reports ( 9 , 10 ). Our study extended these results in a European country and with data not necessarily recorded in the official prison reports. It followed recent guidelines for systematic statistical recording of violence ( 13 ). In addition, to our knowledge, this study was the first to examine the association between turnover and prison violence, highlighting that this institutional factor also led to increased levels of prison violence.

Overall, our study highlighted that institutional prison factors might have notable detrimental effects on prison life and adjustment to prison life. Reduction of prison overcrowding and turnover appear critical to reduce prisoners’ vulnerability and they should not be neglected. These detrimental effects may be even worse for especially vulnerable people living in detention (e.g., those in bad health or having severe psychiatric disorders, older people). Even if these factors are not easily modifiable, future prison policies should be developed to promote prisoners’ health and rehabilitation. Indeed, (violent) misconduct is associated with increased recidivism ( 14 ).

Meanwhile, adequate prevention measures to reduce violence in overcrowded prisons are needed. It should include adequate occupational activities as well as screening and treatment for psychiatric disorders targeting specific needs; as well as enhancement of social skills, social relationships, and social support using relevant psychosocial programs ( 13 , 15 ). Such need for adjustments in prison policy is regularly emphasized in the legal literature as well ( 16 , 17 ).

This study has some limitations. A first limitation was the lack on individual data, such as personal risk factors for prison violence. However, the prison population of Champ-Dollon was stable over time [e.g., rates of psychiatric treatments and socio-demographic profiles, ( 18 )] so we could be confident that the changes in prison violence was mostly related to the institutional factors. Second, the results were probably related to the specific characteristics of the prison, namely the lack of freedom of movement and activities. However, the 23-h confinement period per day and the lack of access to a workplace are comparable in most pre-trial prisons in Switzerland ( 17 ). Furthermore, Champ-Dollon is especially overcrowded ( 12 ). Another shortcoming was that we used an operationalization of prison violence (i.e., assaults requiring immediate medical attention) which did not allow comparisons with other studies. Our study missed less severe cases of violence (not requiring immediate medical care), but it used a less restrictive operationalization of prison violence in comparison with some previous studies relying exclusively on official prison reports. In addition, given its retrospective design, we were unable to collect information on violence against staff members. Future multicentric studies should include prisons’ characteristics, and especially time spent locked up in cells and available pro-health, pro-social, and occupational activities ( 4 ), as well as individual-level factors and all kinds of violence, including those against staff members. Further studies should also develop assessments of prison violence that allow comparisons between prisons and include less severe forms of violence. Finally, prison violence can also mean psychological violence, such as harassment, bullying, or sexual violence ( 19 ). Future studies should also investigate this kind of violence.

To conclude, we believe that institutional factors should not be neglected in prison research and future prison policies. Overcrowding and turnover have an important impact on prisoners’ health, prison life, and adjustment to prison life; even if these effects depend on the specific characteristics of the prison under study. Distress and misconduct in prison should be considered as the interplay between individual and institutional factor, and not only as something prisoners import in prison ( 8 ). Turning prison into safe places designed to promote desistance would probably not be achievable without considering these crucial factors.

Data Availability Statement

Ethics statement.

Ethical review and approval was not required for the study on human participants in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent for participation was not required for this study in accordance with the national legislation and the institutional requirements. Since we used anonymous quality control data, ethical approval was not required.

Author Contributions

SB conceived the study’s objective, drafted the manuscript, and performed the statistical analyses. NP participated in data collection. PH, LG, ML, and HW made substantial contributions in the interpretation of the data. NP, PH, LG, ML, and HW revised the manuscript critically for important intellectual content. All authors approved the final version to be published and agreed to be accountable for all aspects of the work related to its accuracy and integrity.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Overcrowding and its impact on prison conditions and health

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  • 1 Social Research and Evaluation Unit, Birmingham City University , Birmingham, UK.
  • PMID: 29869586
  • DOI: 10.1108/IJPH-04-2018-0014

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  • DOI: 10.1108/IJPH-04-2018-0014
  • Corpus ID: 46933059

Overcrowding and its impact on prison conditions and health.

  • Morag Macdonald
  • Published in International Journal of… 11 June 2018
  • Sociology, Medicine

48 Citations

Prison overcrowding and harsh conditions: health and human rights concerns to persons in custody, staff, and the community, prison overcrowding trend in nigeria and policy implications on health, do overcrowding and turnover cause violence in prison, “overcrowded but lonely”: exploring mental health and well-being among young prisoners in cambodia, healthcare in a pure gatekeeping system: utilization of primary, mental and emergency care in the prison population over time, working in a prison: challenges, rewards, and the impact on mental health and well-being, a systematic integrative review of programmes addressing the social care needs of older prisoners, exploring health and wellbeing in prison: a peer research approach., behind the wall of indifference: prisoner voices about the realities of prison health care, a multiple case study on in-prison treatment of persons deprived of liberty in a penal colony without walls.

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Do overcrowding and turnover cause violence in prison.

Stphanie Baggio,*

  • 1 Division of Prison Health, Geneva University Hospitals and University of Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland
  • 2 Department of Forensic Psychiatry, Institute of Forensic Medicine, University of Bern, Bern, Switzerland
  • 3 Adult Psychiatry Division, Department of Mental Health and Psychiatry, Geneva University Hospitals, Geneva, Switzerland
  • 4 Division of Tropical and Humanitarian Medicine, Geneva University Hospitals and University of Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland

Violence is common in prison and its individual risk factors are well documented. However, there is a mixed evidence on the relationship between prison violence and institutional factors, such as overcrowding and turnover, and recent research suggested that these factors may not be important or relevant. This study investigated the association between prison violence and institutional factors in a Swiss pre-trial prison between 2013 and 2018. Measures included violence (assaults requiring immediate medical attention) as well as the annual overcrowding and turnover rates. Using a meta-regression, the results showed that prison violence was higher when overcrowding and turnover increased. Overall, our study highlighted that institutional prison factors might have notable detrimental effects on prison life. Reduction of prison overcrowding and turnover appear critical to reduce prisoners’ vulnerability. Turning prison into safe places designed to promote desistance would probably not be achievable without considering these crucial factors.

Introduction

Prison overcrowding, when the number of prisoners exceeds the prison capacity, is an important concern worldwide. In 2018, overcrowding remained one of the most important issues in prison ( 1 ), with 27 countries operating at 150% to 200% ( 2 ). Turnover, the rate at which the prison population is renewed, has been less extensively studied ( 3 , 4 ), but may also have detrimental consequences for prisoners ( 4 ). Both can undermine the ability of prison systems to meet human needs, including access to appropriate accommodation, timely health care, and access to rehabilitation programs and educational or vocational activities ( 5 ).

However, in a recent empirical study, Fazel, Ramesh & Hawton ( 3 ) underscored the importance of individual over institutional factors. In their multicentric study conducted in 24 high-income countries, there was no significant association between prison suicide and two major institutional factors, namely overcrowding and turnover. These findings resulted in a call to focus on individual and relevant ecological factors ( 3 ). This mixed evidence also applies to prison violence: A meta-analysis to conclude that future policies should focus on “more important predictors” than overcrowding to predict (violent) misconduct ( 6 , p. 409), even if overcrowding has long been described as a potential risk for prison violence ( 7 ).

These conclusions have risen legitimate fears of misinterpretation and neglect of critical institutional factors ( 8 ). Besides, very recent prison studies highlighted significant associations between overcrowding, turnover, and self-harm ( 4 ); and between overcrowding and violent misconduct ( 9 , 10 ). Another recent study also reported that institutional infractions were more likely to happen a few months after entry ( 11 ). As turnover is associated with an increased number of prison entries, it may lead to increased levels of misconduct, infractions, and violence.

This study focused on violence against others, as there is a paucity of empirical studies investigating the association between institutional factors and this kind of violence. Prison violence has been most often investigated using assaults registered in official prison records (i.e., “violent misconduct”) ( 6 , 7 ). In addition, to our knowledge, previous studies on prison violence focused on overcrowding and turnover has been neglected. We hypothesized that institutional factors would lead to increased levels of violence, and thus, that these factors should not be neglected in empirical prison studies and health policy.

Materials and Methods

Prison-level data were collected between 2013 and 2018 in a Swiss pre-trial prison located in Geneva (Champ-Dollon). This prison is mainly a pre-trial prison, but there are also sentenced detainees. In this prison, prisoners spend 23 h a day in their cell. The prison capacity was 376 (with 22 additional places in 2017 and 2018). Nurses are present in the prison 24/7 in a prison medical unit. This prison has been repeatedly criticized by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) for chronic overcrowding and detention setting, including lack of activities ( 12 ). Data were collected using prison-level statistics and prison nurses’ records. Since we used anonymous quality control data, ethical approval was not required.

Prison Overcrowding

The annual overcrowding rate was computed by dividing the annual mean daily population by the prison capacity. It was extracted from the statistics available each year for the whole prison, upon request to the direction of the prison.

Turnover Ratio

The turnover rate was computed using the number of releases divided by the number of entries plus the average prison population of the previous year ( 3 ). It was also extracted from the statistics available each year for the whole prison, upon request to the direction of the prison.

Nurses recorded systematically and anonymously each assault requiring medical attention immediately after its occurrence, in accordance with the guidelines of a previous study on prison violence, recommending a systematic statistical recording of routine data on prison violence, to standardize injury surveillance ( 13 ).

Statistical Analyses

We tested the association between violence, overcrowding, and turnover using a fixed-effect multivariate meta-regression. Each year was considered as a separate sample (too few events to consider months as separate samples). Analyses were performed with R 3.5.1 (package metaphor 2.0.0).

Over the study period, the average rate of overcrowding was 175.4% and the turnover rate 73.2%. This meant that the prison was overcrowded, as the number of prisoners exceeded its official capacity (100%). However, there is no official definition of what constitutes overcrowding ( 5 ). The turnover rate was also high, with on average 73.2% of the prison population entirely reviewed each year. On average, there was 9.1% of cases of violence/population of inmates over the study period. The meta-analytic prevalence estimate for prison violence over the study period was 8.5% (95% confidence interval: 7.6%–9.3%).

There were significant effects of both overcrowding (b = 0.001, p < .001) and turnover (b = 0.009, p < .001) on prison violence. Increased overcrowding and turnover were associated with increased prevalence estimates of violence. When overcrowding increased of one point (on a one hundred percent scale), prison violence increased of 0.1 point of percentage. Figure 1 shows that increased levels of overcrowding were associated with higher prevalence estimates of prison violence. When turnover increased of one point (on a one hundred percent scale), prison violence increased of 0.9 point of percentage. The pattern was less clear in the forest plot depicted in Figure 1 , but the effect was nonetheless significant.

www.frontiersin.org

Figure 1 Forest plot of the effect of overcrowding and turnover on prison violence, sorted by overcrowding rate. 95% CI: 95% confidence intervals. Whiskers represent 95% CI for the prevalence estimate of each year. Prevalence estimates are reported for assaults requiring immediate medical attention. Overcrowding and turnover are reported as percentages.

In our study, there was a meta-analytic percentage of 8.5% of assaults requiring immediate medical attention. This percentage ranged between previous estimates, from 0.8% for assaults classified as violent misconduct in official prison reports ( 9 ) to 23.5% of assaults (including assaults against staff) classified as disciplinary offences in official prison reports ( 10 ). As these studies used very different measures to assess prison violence and were conducted in different settings, comparisons are not possible.

Our study showed that institutional prison factors were significantly associated with prison violence (i.e., assaults requiring immediate medical attention). This result replicated recent empirical findings focusing on overcrowding in the US and using official misconduct reports ( 9 , 10 ). Our study extended these results in a European country and with data not necessarily recorded in the official prison reports. It followed recent guidelines for systematic statistical recording of violence ( 13 ). In addition, to our knowledge, this study was the first to examine the association between turnover and prison violence, highlighting that this institutional factor also led to increased levels of prison violence.

Overall, our study highlighted that institutional prison factors might have notable detrimental effects on prison life and adjustment to prison life. Reduction of prison overcrowding and turnover appear critical to reduce prisoners’ vulnerability and they should not be neglected. These detrimental effects may be even worse for especially vulnerable people living in detention (e.g., those in bad health or having severe psychiatric disorders, older people). Even if these factors are not easily modifiable, future prison policies should be developed to promote prisoners’ health and rehabilitation. Indeed, (violent) misconduct is associated with increased recidivism ( 14 ).

Meanwhile, adequate prevention measures to reduce violence in overcrowded prisons are needed. It should include adequate occupational activities as well as screening and treatment for psychiatric disorders targeting specific needs; as well as enhancement of social skills, social relationships, and social support using relevant psychosocial programs ( 13 , 15 ). Such need for adjustments in prison policy is regularly emphasized in the legal literature as well ( 16 , 17 ).

This study has some limitations. A first limitation was the lack on individual data, such as personal risk factors for prison violence. However, the prison population of Champ-Dollon was stable over time [e.g., rates of psychiatric treatments and socio-demographic profiles, ( 18 )] so we could be confident that the changes in prison violence was mostly related to the institutional factors. Second, the results were probably related to the specific characteristics of the prison, namely the lack of freedom of movement and activities. However, the 23-h confinement period per day and the lack of access to a workplace are comparable in most pre-trial prisons in Switzerland ( 17 ). Furthermore, Champ-Dollon is especially overcrowded ( 12 ). Another shortcoming was that we used an operationalization of prison violence (i.e., assaults requiring immediate medical attention) which did not allow comparisons with other studies. Our study missed less severe cases of violence (not requiring immediate medical care), but it used a less restrictive operationalization of prison violence in comparison with some previous studies relying exclusively on official prison reports. In addition, given its retrospective design, we were unable to collect information on violence against staff members. Future multicentric studies should include prisons’ characteristics, and especially time spent locked up in cells and available pro-health, pro-social, and occupational activities ( 4 ), as well as individual-level factors and all kinds of violence, including those against staff members. Further studies should also develop assessments of prison violence that allow comparisons between prisons and include less severe forms of violence. Finally, prison violence can also mean psychological violence, such as harassment, bullying, or sexual violence ( 19 ). Future studies should also investigate this kind of violence.

To conclude, we believe that institutional factors should not be neglected in prison research and future prison policies. Overcrowding and turnover have an important impact on prisoners’ health, prison life, and adjustment to prison life; even if these effects depend on the specific characteristics of the prison under study. Distress and misconduct in prison should be considered as the interplay between individual and institutional factor, and not only as something prisoners import in prison ( 8 ). Turning prison into safe places designed to promote desistance would probably not be achievable without considering these crucial factors.

Data Availability Statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation, to any qualified researcher.

Ethics Statement

Ethical review and approval was not required for the study on human participants in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent for participation was not required for this study in accordance with the national legislation and the institutional requirements. Since we used anonymous quality control data, ethical approval was not required.

Author Contributions

SB conceived the study’s objective, drafted the manuscript, and performed the statistical analyses. NP participated in data collection. PH, LG, ML, and HW made substantial contributions in the interpretation of the data. NP, PH, LG, ML, and HW revised the manuscript critically for important intellectual content. All authors approved the final version to be published and agreed to be accountable for all aspects of the work related to its accuracy and integrity.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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13. Pont J, Stöver H, Gétaz L, Casillas A, Wolff H. Prevention of violence in prison - The role of health care professionals. J Forensic Leg Med. (2015) 34:127–32. doi: 10.1016/j.jflm.2015.05.014

14. Cochran JC, Mears DP, Bales WD, Stewart EA. Does inmate behavior affect post-release offending? Investigating the misconduct-recidivism relationship among youth and adults. Justice Q (2014) 31(6):1044–73.

15. Auty KM, Cope A, Liebling A. Psychoeducational programs for reducing prison violence: a systematic review. Aggress Violent Behav (2017) 33:126–43. doi: 10.17863/CAM.7554

16. Dünkel F. Resozialisierung im Strafvollzug und internationale Menschenrechtsstandards. Europe in Crisis: Crime, Criminal Justice and the Way Forward. Essays in Honour of Professor Nestor Courakis . Sakkoulas Publications: Athen (2017). 2017.

17. Künzli J, Frei NK, Schultheiss MR. Menschenrechtliche Standards der Haftbedingungen in der Untersuchungshaft und ihre Umsetzung in der Schweiz. Jusletter (2015) 5.

18. Skar M, Lokdam N, Liebling A, Muriqi A, Haliti D, Rushiti F, et al. Quality of prison life, violence and mental health in Dubrava prison. Int J Prison Health (2019) 15(3):262–72.

19. Wolff H, Casillas A, Perneger T, Heller P, Golay D, Mouton E, et al. Self-harm and overcrowding among prisoners in Geneva, Switzerland. Int J Prison Health (2016) 12(1):39–44. doi: 10.1108/IJPH-04-2015-0009

Keywords: health policy, forensic, institutional factor, misconduct, public health, prison

Citation: Baggio S, Peigné N, Heller P, Gétaz L, Liebrenz M and Wolff H (2020) Do Overcrowding and Turnover Cause Violence in Prison? Front. Psychiatry 10:1015. doi: 10.3389/fpsyt.2019.01015

Received: 26 June 2019; Accepted: 20 December 2019; Published: 24 January 2020.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2020 Baggio, Peigné, Heller, Gétaz, Liebrenz and Wolff. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Stéphanie Baggio, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

The impact of overcrowding

International Journal of Prisoner Health

ISSN : 1744-9200

Article publication date: 21 September 2012

MacDonald, M. , Greifinger, R. and Kane, D. (2012), "The impact of overcrowding", International Journal of Prisoner Health , Vol. 8 No. 1. https://doi.org/10.1108/ijph.2012.62108aaa.001

Emerald Group Publishing Limited

Copyright © 2012, Emerald Group Publishing Limited

Article Type: Editorial From: International Journal of Prisoner Health, Volume 8, Issue 1

All prisoners are vulnerable to a certain degree. When the liberty of a group of individuals is restricted and they are placed under the authority of another group of people, and when this takes place in an environment which is to a large extent closed to public scrutiny, the abuse of power has proven to be widespread. Even where no abuse exists, prison conditions themselves in a large majority of countries worldwide are harmful to the physical and mental well-being of prisoners, due to overcrowding, violence, poor physical conditions, isolation from the community, inadequate prison activities and health care (UNODC, 2009, p. 4).

Overcrowding in prison can impact significantly on prisoners’ health, access to education and training. In turn, this impacts on their ability to access the services and treatment vital to managing their throughcare to the community. Staff who are working in overcrowded prisons are also at risk in a range of ways.

In excess of 10.1 million people are held in penal institutions worldwide, mostly as pre-trial detainees/remand prisoners or as sentenced prisoners. Walmsley’s ninth edition of the World Prison Population List (2012) states that:

Prison population rates vary considerably between different regions of the world, and between different parts of the same continent. For example:

In Africa the median incarceration rate for western African countries is 47.5 per 100,000 population, whereas for southern African countries it is 219.

In the Americas the median rate for south American countries is 175 whereas for Caribbean countries it is 357.5.

In Asia the median rate for south central Asian countries (mainly the Indian sub-continent) is 42 whereas for eastern Asian countries it is 155.5.

In Europe the median rate for western European countries is 96 whereas for the countries spanning Europe and Asia (e.g. Russia and Turkey) it is 228.

In Oceania (including Australia and New Zealand) the median rate is 135.

Prison populations are growing in all five continents. Updated information on countries included in previous editions of the World Prison Population List shows that prison populations have risen in 78 per cent of countries (in 71 per cent of countries in Africa, 82 per cent in the Americas, 80 per cent in Asia, 74 per cent in Europe and 80 per cent in Oceania) (Walmsley, 2012, p. 1).

As prison populations rise, prison administrations struggle to maintain or guarantee humane conditions that meet international standards and guidelines. Overcrowding means that prisons are more difficult to manage effectively. Pressure is placed on all resources resulting in limited, or in some cases, no space to provide educational, rehabilitation, cultural, recreation and/or religious activities. Overcrowding also reduces staff morale and creates security and control difficulties due to increased levels of conflict and violence. Staff and prisoners health and wellbeing are put at risk.

Prison overcrowding, as defined by the English and Welsh Prison Service, is where a prison contains more prisoners than the establishments:

“certified normal accommodation” or CNA. This is the level which represents the good, decent standard of accommodation that the service aspires to provide all prisoners. In January 2012, the Ministry of Justice reported that the prison population overall stood at 112 per cent of in use CNA. The fifteen most overcrowded prisons were holding a population of more than 150 per cent of CNA (Criminal Justice Alliance, 2012, p. 4).

It is not always easy to define overcrowding. Internationally, many prison administrations adopt standards and procedures that result in measurement of prison capacity and, from this, definitions of overcrowding that refer:

…basically to a number of prisoners actually imprisoned exceeding the number of prison cells/beds which has been set as the maximum to be held in a prison. Definitions of overcrowding thus require first of all the establishment of a maximum number of prisoners, which can be accommodated in a prison facility. The maximum number must be established on the basis of criteria consistent with human rights and minimum standards issued by the United Nations or regional bodies. Definitions of overcrowding, however, will differ among world regions and will be dependent partially on whether single cell accommodation is adopted as a rule or communal cells. … Prison capacity therefore has been assumed to be a “slippery concept” which expresses the need for elasticity and can be used to make overcrowding more or less apparent (Albrecht, 2010, p. 67).

It is important to consider why prisons are overcrowded in many regions. The reasons for increasing prison populations worldwide are numerous and vary from region to region and from country to country. Overcrowding can be attributed to changes in the law and economic factors, prison policy, sentencing policies and practices, underfunding of prison building programmes and the lack of prison places due to age and deterioration.

The causes of overcrowding in many European countries can be explained by the following factors: first, a lack of investment in prison facilities to enable rehabilitation activities and insufficient prevention measures to resource social and mental health care. Second, lack of investment in non-custodial measures such as electronic tagging and community sentences and third, over use of and lengthy pre-trial detention coupled with tough sentencing for non-violent offenders and for vulnerable prisoners such as those with problematic drug and/or alcohol use, those with mental health problems and those with learning disabilities (European Federation of Public Service Unions, 2008).

It is much easier to find consensus on the impact of overcrowding on both prisoners’ health and wellbeing and on prison staff. Prisoners may face:

Deterioration of living conditions.

Lack of access to education, training and work in a prison population where there are high levels of illiteracy and innumeracy and where many prisoners have no vocational qualifications. The opportunity to work reduces substantially in overcrowded prisons.

Difficulty in accessing mental health treatment and support due to the pressure caused by overcrowding on health care facilities.

Lack of support to address drug and alcohol dependence where prison systems have high numbers of prisoners with drug and alcohol problems and where high levels of re-offending amongst this group also suggests that the treatment available in many prison systems is inadequate.

Lack of throughcare interventions leading to high social cost and potential reoffending and difficulties in accessing key support in such things as housing when released.

While the main issue resulting from prison overcrowding is the negative impact on prisoners, overcrowding can also adversely affect staff. Lack of staff to provide supervision and escorts for both prisoners to activities, and for visiting NGOs and service providers from the community, can increase tension between prisoners and staff. Similarly, frustration and potential violence are possible outcomes when prisoners are confined in their cells for long periods. Additionally, there are fewer opportunities for rehabilitative work in overcrowded prisons due to a lack of supervision.

Prison staff may experience some deterioration in their working conditions and face increasing levels of stress in situations where they have limited time to deal with problems and less time to spend with individual prisoners to ensure that they complete educational and rehabilitation programmes. Staff may find that they are overstretched as they try to maintain a safe and rehabilitative prison environment. Medical staff may find it difficult to provide health care that is equivalent to that in the community. Other professional staff (educators, psychologists, social workers, etc.) may be unable to provide meaningful interactions to meet the needs of prisoners in an overcrowded prison. As a result, staff may become the target for frustrated and angry prisoners, making the working lives of prison staff both more dangerous and stressful.

Prison overcrowding is a major contributor to a wide range of problems. This raises the question of what can be done to improve conditions in overcrowded prisons. Prison overcrowding can be reduced first and most obviously by reducing the number of people sent to prison by using diversion schemes, for example, using alternatives to prison for offenders with mental illness. Second, by reducing the amount of time offenders spend in prison on remand by speeding up court procedures and by reducing the length of sentences (van Ness, 2008). Prison Fellowship International (ND) suggests a number of long-term solutions that require both careful work and strong political will through creative measures such as:

Mobile judges travelling to prisons to hold court hearings. This reduces the number of remand prisoners.

Use of probation and community service as an alternative to prison.

Legislative sentencing reform to reduce the length of sentences.

Parole board authority to provide early release for prisoners who pose little danger to society (Prison Fellowship International, ND).

In summary, prison overcrowding impacts negatively on both prisoners and prison staff. Prisoner health and wellbeing are compromised by overcrowding. There is an urgent need for countries to re-assess the criminal justice policies that pose risk of harm so as to ensure that vulnerable prisoners can access health care equivalent to that in the community and that international standards that govern prisons and human rights are met.

In this issue we have an interesting selection of papers from England, the USA, India and Italy that cover a range of key issues of importance to prisoner health. In our first paper, Laura Caulfield and Hannah Twort discuss the experiences of staff implementing changes to prison mental health care in England and Wales. The findings from their study indicate that while many of their respondents felt there had been improvements in prison mental health care, they also acknowledged that it was difficult to implement new ways of working and that there is still some way to go towards providing offenders in prison with effective and appropriate care.

In our second paper, Michael W. Ross and Amy Jo Harzke report on the TECH model and its application in developing a “healthy prison”. The steps required to achieve the “healthy prison” are described in the TECH domains: testing for and treating infectious diseases and vaccination; environmental modification to prevent disease transmission; chronic disease identification and treatment and health maintenance and education. Under each of these domains are tasks to achieve a “healthy prison”. The authors argue that this model is specially designed so that it can be implemented in both resource-poor as well as resource-rich correctional settings.

Vikram Bansal, Girish M. Sogi, Koratagere L. Veeresha, Adarsh Kumar and Shelly Bansal explore prison dental health in Haryana, India. Their study indicates that long term prisoners require a major input of dental treatment to meet their level of need.

The impact of overcrowding is continued in our final article where Maurizio Esposito notes that it is one of several factors that impacts on how prisoners access health care services in Italian prisons. Esposito, using in-depth interviews with male prisoners in three Italian prisons, explores how imprisonment impacts on the health of prisoners who are HIV positive or living with AIDS and how they perceive their quality of life. The results from his study indicate that life in prison for prisoners with HIV is experienced as a kind of double burden of loss of freedom and health limitations that leads them to exhibit fatalism towards the future, a sense of alienation and marginalisation as well as fear of the consequences of living with HIV or AIDS.

Morag MacDonald, Robert Greifinger, David Kane

Albrecht, H. (2010), “Prison overcrowding: finding effective solutions. Strategies and best practices against overcrowding in correctional facilities”, available at: www.unafei.or.jp/english/pdf/Congress_2010/13Hans-Jorg_Albrecht.pdf (accessed 29 June 2012)

Criminal Justice Alliance (2012), “Crowded out? The impact of prison overcrowding on rehabilitation”, available at: www.criminaljusticealliance.org/Crowded_Out_CriminalJusticeAlliance.pdf (accessed 29 June 2012)

European Federation of Public Service Unions (2008), “EPSU Fact Sheet 4: the statistics of prison overcrowding in the EU”, available at: www.epsu.org/r/377 (accessed 29 June 2012)

Prison Fellowship International (n.d.), “Improving conditions in overcrowded prisons”, available at: www.pfi.org/cjr/downloads/ten-keys-to-improving-conditions-in-overcrowded-prisons (accessed 29 June 2012)

UNODC (2009), Handbook on Prisoners with Special Needs , available at: www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Prisoners-with-special-needs.pdf (accessed 29 June 2012)

van Ness, D.W. (2008), “Prison overcrowding briefing paper – 1 updated version of a paper titled “Trends in Prisons around the World and in Latim America”, paper presented at Seminario-Taller: Análisis y Perspectivas del Sistema Penitenciario en Panamá, Panamá City, 24 May 2000, available at: www.pfi.org/cjr/human-rights/prison-conditions/prison-overcrowding-1/ (accessed 29 June 2012)

Walmsley, R. (2012), World Prison Population List , 9th ed., available at: www.idcr.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2010/09/WPPL-9-22.pdf (accessed 29 June 2012)

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Prison overcrowding and its consequences.

This comprehensive article delves into the multifaceted issue of prison overcrowding within the United States criminal justice system. Beginning with an overview of the U.S. criminal justice system, the article examines the root causes of overcrowding, encompassing legislative policies, the War on Drugs, and a dearth of alternative sentencing options. The subsequent exploration of consequences sheds light on the adverse effects on inmate well-being, the strain on correctional staff, and the concerning correlation between overcrowding and elevated recidivism rates. Proposing potential strategies to address this crisis, the article advocates for sentencing reform, increased investment in rehabilitation programs, and the exploration of community-based alternatives. Throughout, the discussion is grounded in formal scientific language and supported by meticulous in-text citations in APA style. This article, with its meticulous examination of causes, consequences, and solutions, serves as a crucial resource for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers committed to addressing and rectifying the pervasive issue of prison overcrowding in the United States.

Introduction

The United States criminal justice system, a complex and multifaceted entity, serves as the bedrock of societal order and safety. This introductory section provides a succinct overview of this intricate system, highlighting its key components and functions. Within this overarching framework, the article specifically focuses on the critical issue of prison overcrowding, a pervasive challenge that has garnered increasing attention within the field of criminal justice studies. Prison overcrowding, as defined herein, refers to the situation wherein the number of incarcerated individuals surpasses the capacity of correctional facilities, leading to a myriad of systemic issues. Recognizing the significance of this concern, this article aims to elucidate the causes and consequences of prison overcrowding, employing formal scientific language and adhering to APA style. As the following sections unfold, the analysis will center on legislative policies, the War on Drugs, lack of alternatives, impacts on inmate well-being, strain on correctional staff, and potential strategies for alleviation. This exploration culminates in a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted implications of prison overcrowding within the broader context of the U.S. criminal justice system.

Causes of Prison Overcrowding

The intricate web of laws and policies within the United States has played a pivotal role in the proliferation of high incarceration rates, a central factor contributing to prison overcrowding. This section engages in a comprehensive discussion of legislative policies that have fueled the surge in the prison population. Of particular focus are mandatory sentencing laws, which have prescribed inflexible and often severe penalties, diminishing judicial discretion and disproportionately affecting certain demographic groups. Additionally, an analysis of three-strikes laws, designed to impose harsher sentences on repeat offenders, unveils their impact on the burgeoning prison population, prompting a critical evaluation of their efficacy and unintended consequences.

The second causative factor, the War on Drugs, has left an indelible mark on the landscape of prison populations in the United States. This subsection undertakes an exploration of the far-reaching consequences of the nation’s aggressive stance against drug offenses. The article delves into the impact of the War on Drugs on the disproportionate incarceration of individuals involved in non-violent drug-related activities. Moreover, a meticulous analysis of sentencing disparities for drug offenses sheds light on the disparities in punishment, revealing a complex interplay of factors such as race, socioeconomic status, and geography that contribute to the overrepresentation of certain demographics within the prison system.

The third facet contributing to the crisis of prison overcrowding is the stark absence of effective alternatives to traditional incarceration. This section critically examines the limitations of current alternative measures, such as probation and parole, designed to divert individuals from imprisonment. An overview of the challenges and shortcomings inherent in these alternative strategies provides insight into their insufficient capacity to address the root causes of criminal behavior. As the discussion unfolds, a nuanced examination of probation and parole reveals systemic hurdles, ranging from inadequate resources to limited programmatic offerings, further underscoring the urgency of comprehensive reform to alleviate the strain on correctional facilities and enhance the criminal justice system’s effectiveness.

Consequences of Prison Overcrowding

The ramifications of prison overcrowding extend far beyond the confines of correctional facilities, profoundly impacting the well-being of incarcerated individuals. This section initiates a detailed discussion of the physical and mental health consequences experienced by inmates subjected to overcrowded conditions. The article examines the challenges inherent in providing adequate healthcare services within crowded prison environments, shedding light on the compromised medical care that often results from strained resources and overextended facilities. Furthermore, the exploration of rehabilitation services reveals the additional hurdles faced by inmates seeking to reintegrate into society, emphasizing the urgent need for comprehensive healthcare and reintegration programs to address the detrimental effects of overcrowding on inmate well-being.

Prison overcrowding places an immense burden on the dedicated personnel tasked with maintaining order and facilitating rehabilitation within correctional facilities. This subsection conducts a thorough analysis of the increased workload and stress experienced by correctional staff. The article elucidates the multifaceted challenges stemming from overextended facilities, ranging from limited resources to heightened tensions among inmates. Moreover, the discussion delves into the implications for both staff and inmate safety, revealing the intricate interplay between overcrowded conditions and the potential for increased violence, self-harm, and strained interpersonal dynamics within the prison setting.

A critical consequence of prison overcrowding lies in its correlation with elevated recidivism rates, perpetuating a cycle of reoffending and reincarceration. This part of the article systematically evaluates the intricate relationship between overcrowding and the likelihood of individuals returning to the criminal justice system. The discussion not only highlights the heightened stressors within overcrowded prisons that contribute to recidivism but also scrutinizes the limited resources available for rehabilitation programs. The examination of these resource constraints underscores the challenges faced by correctional systems in effectively addressing the root causes of criminal behavior and fostering lasting rehabilitation, emphasizing the imperative for systemic reforms to break the cycle of recidivism exacerbated by prison overcrowding.

Strategies to Address Prison Overcrowding

The imperative for addressing prison overcrowding necessitates a comprehensive reevaluation of sentencing practices. This section initiates a thoughtful discussion on potential reforms aimed at reducing the prevalence of mandatory minimum sentences, which have contributed significantly to the ballooning prison population. The article critically examines the implications of such reforms, considering the restoration of judicial discretion and the potential for a more individualized, rehabilitative approach to sentencing. Furthermore, an exploration of alternative sentencing approaches is undertaken, encompassing innovative models that prioritize restorative justice principles and diversion programs, ultimately fostering a paradigm shift towards more equitable and effective sentencing practices.

A crucial component of alleviating prison overcrowding lies in a strategic and substantial investment in rehabilitation programs. This subsection delves into the importance of education, vocational training, and mental health initiatives within correctional facilities. The article critically examines the transformative potential of these programs in addressing the underlying factors contributing to criminal behavior and reducing the likelihood of recidivism. Through an analysis of successful rehabilitation models, the discussion highlights evidence-based practices that have demonstrated positive outcomes in fostering inmates’ personal growth and preparing them for successful reintegration into society.

A shift towards community-based alternatives presents a promising avenue for mitigating the challenges associated with prison overcrowding. This segment explores alternatives such as probation, parole, and electronic monitoring as viable options for diverting individuals away from incarceration while maintaining community safety. The discussion critically evaluates the potential benefits of community-based solutions, including enhanced support networks, increased opportunities for rehabilitation, and the preservation of familial and community ties. Simultaneously, the article engages in a nuanced discussion of the challenges inherent in implementing such alternatives, such as ensuring accountability, addressing public safety concerns, and securing necessary resources for effective community supervision.

In amalgamating these strategies, a comprehensive and balanced approach can be forged to address the root causes of prison overcrowding, promote rehabilitation, and foster a criminal justice system that is both just and effective.

In summation, this article has meticulously examined the complex issue of prison overcrowding within the United States criminal justice system. The exploration commenced with an overview of the U.S. criminal justice system, laying the groundwork for a focused analysis on the causes and consequences of overcrowded prisons. Legislative policies, the War on Drugs, and the lack of viable alternatives were scrutinized as primary contributors to the pervasive problem. The consequences of overcrowding, ranging from the compromised well-being of inmates to the heightened strain on correctional staff and elevated recidivism rates, were discussed with a keen eye on the interconnected challenges facing the system.

Central to this discourse is the imperative for strategic intervention. The strategies presented, including sentencing reform, investment in rehabilitation programs, and the exploration of community-based alternatives, offer a roadmap for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers to navigate toward solutions. Sentencing reform holds the promise of more equitable and effective judicial practices, while investment in rehabilitation programs addresses the root causes of criminal behavior. Community-based alternatives provide a viable means of reducing incarceration rates without compromising public safety.

In closing, the urgency of addressing prison overcrowding cannot be overstated. As the system grapples with the challenges outlined herein, a call to action echoes through these pages. Policymakers are implored to enact meaningful reforms, practitioners urged to implement evidence-based strategies, and researchers encouraged to pursue further investigations into the multifaceted nature of this issue. Only through collaborative efforts can the criminal justice system evolve into a fair, effective, and rehabilitative institution, steering away from the pitfalls of overcrowding and towards a more just future. The responsibility lies with all stakeholders to heed this call and actively contribute to the realization of effective solutions that will shape the future trajectory of the criminal justice system in the United States.

Bibliography

  • Albonetti, C. A. (1997). Sentencing under the Federal Sentencing Guidelines: Effects of Defendant Characteristics, Guilty Pleas, and Departures on Sentence Outcomes for Drug Offenses, 1991–1992. Law & Society Review, 31(4), 789-822.
  • Blumstein, A., & Cohen, J. (Eds.). (2013). The Crime Drop in America. Cambridge University Press.
  • Frase, R. S. (2018). Structuring the Sentencing System: From Punitive Populism to Democratic Desuetude. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 14, 163-180.
  • Garland, D. (2001). The Culture of Control: Crime and Social Order in Contemporary Society. University of Chicago Press.
  • Nagel, I. H., & Schulhofer, S. J. (1992). Cognitive Heuristics in Legal Decision Making. Law and Society Review, 26(3), 457-496.
  • Reitz, K. R. (2018). The Globalization of Supermax Prisons. New York University Press.
  • Roberts, J. V., & Cole, G. F. (2019). Criminal Justice in America. Routledge.
  • Steffensmeier, D., Ulmer, J. T., & Kramer, J. H. (1998). The Interaction of Race, Gender, and Age in Criminal Sentencing: The Punishment Cost of Being Young, Black, and Male. Criminology, 36(4), 763-798.
  • Tonry, M. (Ed.). (2009). The Oxford Handbook of Crime and Criminal Justice. Oxford University Press.
  • Zimring, F. E. (2017). The City That Became Safe: New York’s Lessons for Urban Crime and Its Control. Oxford University Press.

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Prison overcrowding leads to increased violence, the inability to provide necessary medical care and other essential services, and degrading practices like requiring prisoners to sleep on the floor. Many prisons and jails expose prisoners to dangerous environmental conditions like extreme heat or cold, contaminated food, and a lack of basic sanitation.

The UK Ministry of Justice reactivated a temporary measure known as “Operation Early Dawn” on Monday to manage heightened prison overcrowding, aggravated by recent far-right riots across the country.

The HM Prison and Probation Service (HMPPS) activated Operation Early Dawn to help alleviate pressure on prisons in regions such as North East and Yorkshire, Manchester, Cumbria etc, and would keep offenders in a police station until they are summoned to court, once a cell in prison is confirmed to be available will the offenders be called to a magistrates’ court. The operation, which will come into force in September, will not affect the police’s ability to arrest people who commit an offence or a crime, as Deputy Chief Constable Nev Kemp, National Police Chiefs’ Council Lead for Custody, assured that the government is committed to keeping the public safe.

The government further added that additional measures were introduced to remedy the prison capacity by adding hundreds of prison places and that the newly formed government is working on addressing the prison capacity problem in the UK, stressing that changes to certain prison sentences have been made, despite the difficulty of the decision.

The UK has been dealing with prison overcrowding for several years, as prisons have operated at over 99-percent capacity since the beginning of 2023. In July, the Ministry of Justice revealed that the current prison population is 87,505, while the maximum capacity is 88,956. UK Justice Secretary Shabana Mahmood announced the Labour government’s plan in July to release prisoners and place them under community supervision to combat overcrowding in the nation’s prisons.

The reactivated Operation was necessitated by the recent rioting that took place in several cities in early August and the consequent arrest of hundreds of rioters, out of whom 159 were charged with public disorder. Justice Minister Heidi Alexander announced that the government is expediting the process of adding 500 more prison places to accommodate individuals involved in the violent protests.

Operation Early Dawn was introduced on May 15 as an emergency measure to address the rising prison population issue, however, lawyers criticised the measure highlighting that it could intensify the cases backlog at the criminal courts. The UK Bar Council called for an inquiry into the backlog in June, calling for a Royal Commission system review.

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More From Forbes

The high price of minimum security federal prisoners.

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Minimum security federal prison camps are becoming more expensive to operate.

There are four security levels in the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP); minimum, low, medium and high. High security prisons are identified as U.S. Penitentiaries that house some of the most dangerous criminals, many doing life sentences. The compounds housing these prisoners which make up over 18,000 (11.8%) of the prison population have double fenced razor wire, electrical charged fencing, perimeter patrols and secure cells. In short, they are expensive to operate.

At the other end of security spectrum are minimum security facilities that are commonly called “camps.” Most do not even have any fencing around them, have fewer staff to monitor the prisoners and routinely allow prisoners to go unsupervised into the community for work details. Camps house those who have less than 10 years remaining in their sentence, many far fewer, and their populations are prisoners that are serving time for crimes that were not violent (low level drug dealers and white collar offenders).

One would think that the cost of housing a prisoner at a high security facility would be far more than the average cost of housing a camper. However, a recently released statement from Donald Murphy of the BOP’s Office of Public Affairs states an increase in the average cost of housing minimum security prisoners that approaches the average cost of housing someone at a U.S. Penitentiary.

Of the BOP’s nearly 160,000 prisoners, 24,000 of them are minimum security. The BOP’s statement was that the average cost of housing a minimum security prisoner in 2024 is $151.02 per day. The cost of housing someone in a U.S. Penitentiary is $164.87 per day (Lows were $129.72 p/d and Mediums are $122.50 p/d). Since there are more minimum security prisoners than high, the total costs of housing minimum security prisoners far exceeds the costs of housing those in high security.

At a time when the BOP is under tremendous pressure due to shortages of staffing, poor morale and crumbling infrastructure, the costs of continuing to house prisoners in institutional settings is coming into question.

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It is getting more expensive to house prisoners throughout the BOP. Food costs have risen for prisons as much as they have for U.S. households. Healthcare costs have increased and the BOP has used money to retain employees while providing sign-on bonuses to attract new people. According to testimony by BOP Director Colette Peters before the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime and Federal Government Surveillance, the BOP needs to hire 6,500 people , 3,500 of those are for medical professionals. The BOP is also trying to maintain its 122 facilities that have been estimated to cost $3 billion to fully bring them up to standard. Each year, the BOP is given only a fraction of that budget to do what maintenance it can.

One place to cut cost is to look at those in prison camps to see if there is an alternative, such as home confinement or halfway houses, to move them out of costly institutions. However, the BOP has, as Director Peters has stated, a shortage of halfway house capacity across the country.

The First Step Act mostly benefits minimum security prisoners. The law allows the BOP to reduce sentences of prisoners by up to a year for participation in programming and productive activities. In addition, prisoners can also earn time toward home confinement. However, the BOP’s troubles in implementing the First Step Act, signed in December 2018 by President Donald Trump, have left many minimum security prisoners who could be on home confinement or a halfway house in prison. Almost six years since becoming law, the BOP’s annual report on the First Step Act for 2024 stated “... As was the case in the last Report, it is too soon to assess cost savings resulting from the implementation of the FSA.” The reasons given for not having cost savings were attributed to certain fixed costs necessary to operate institutions, such as food and medical contracts.

During the pandemic, the BOP was authorized to move many minimum security prisoners to home confinement under the CARES Act. Some of the prisoners had years to serve and some are still serving their sentence. Prisoners moved to home confinement under the CARES Act represented one of the biggest successes for the BOP.

According to the Final Rule on the CARES Act posted in the Federal Register, “Between March 26, 2020, and January 23, 2023, the Bureau placed in home confinement a total of 52,561 inmates. The majority of those inmates have since completed their sentence.” In addition, the Final Rule went on to state that there were “notable cost savings to taxpayers.” The CARES Act expired in April 2023 and another program, the Elderly Offender Pilot program meant to move older, sicker inmates out of institutions, has also expired. It should be noted that BOP’s Murphy stated that the cost of housing a prisoner in a federal medical center (there are 7 across the country) is $281.80/day, the highest per prisoner cost in the BOP. There are also minimum security prisoners in these facilities as well.

The cost of halfway house placement is still high at $126.17/day. Halfway houses provide beds for some prisoners and home confinement supervision for others. However, halfway house placement represents a 20% cost savings over institutional living.

The BOP’s prisoner population has shrunk over the last 12 years from over 200,000 to around 160,000 today. However, the BOP’s current budget of $8.3 billion, continues to be the largest portion of expenditures in the Department of Justice. Sixty-eight percent of that budget is for staff salaries and benefits. However, some question how many people the BOP needs to run operations. According to past budget requests by the BOP, in FY 2013 there were 41,904 authorized positions at the BOP (20,162 correctional officers and 21,742 positions listed as other). The prisoner population then was 217,000 federal inmates, yielding a ratio of 5.2:1 prisoners to staff. For FY 2024, there are 42,398 authorized (14,900 correctional officers and 27,798 other) for 158,500 prisoners, giving a ratio of 3.7:1 prisoners to staff. It should be noted that the BOP used a figure of 170,000 inmates each of the past two years for its budget planning but the average was about 10,000 fewer than that.

Hiring is a continued challenge for BOP as it is for jails, prisons and law enforcement across the country. This is not a problem that is going away anytime soon. While President Joe Biden signed into law this year a federal prison oversight bill , it requires the BOP to do even more with the same budget. One solution is to have fewer prisoners in institutions and move them to other forms of confinement, like halfway houses. Minimum security prisoners offer a way to safely move people from institutions into the community with little risk to the community.

If prisoners move out of camps, it creates a cascade of prisoners to be moved from higher security prisons to lower ones. One key to moving prisoners is creating a place for them to go. Halfway houses are in short supply and an NBC investigative report found that many, mostly minimum security prisoners, are staying in institutional prisons longer than necessary because of problems the BOP has with implementing the First Step Act.

Former BOP Acting Director Hugh Hurwitz wrote an opinion piece in The Hill . There he called for an independent study of prison facilities and staffing so that the BOP can “examine its current and future needs and provide Congress with the information it requires to make well-informed decisions.” However, the BOP has the authority to move more people to community facilities but lacks the capacity or will to do so.

A look at the numbers indicates that moving prisoners to halfway houses from institutions is a cost effective way to reduce costs, if only the BOP would use the tools it has at its disposal. The passage of the First Step Act was meant to address this very issue but has yet to realize the cost savings which was the centerpiece of the legislation. In the 2024 budget, the BOP admitted that the increase use of “these reform tools could reduce population estimates and result in projected savings for the BOP.” If only it would act.

Walter Pavlo

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Judges told to push back sentencing amid prison overcrowding crisis

The new government has introduced a number of measures to help ease the pressure on the system, but magistrates are looking at further action.

research paper on overcrowding of prisons

Political correspondent @robpowellnews

Friday 23 August 2024 09:15, UK

Magistrates have been told to consider pushing back the sentencing of criminals because of concerns about overcrowding in prisons.

Sky News has seen an internal direction sent to courts in England and Wales saying hearings due in the next two weeks should be reviewed if the defendant is currently on bail - and potentially postponed until mid-September.

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The document, sent on Wednesday by deputy senior presiding judge Lord Justice Green, and first reported by the Times, said the direction was being made "in the context of the current challenges in our prisons".

They added: "Where it is assessed that a custodial sentence is a possible outcome, consideration should be given to rescheduling the hearing for the shortest possible period of time, but not earlier than 10 September.

"Every case must be considered on an individual basis and decisions must be made on the basis of the interests of justice."

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The government has already announced the standard release date for many prisoners will be brought forward - freeing up thousands of cells across the country.

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But this measure is not due to come into force until 10 September, meaning the large numbers of recent riot-related convictions are putting extra immediate pressure on the prison system.

The direction from Lord Justice Green means that individuals who have been found guilty of crimes will potentially stay out of prison on bail for several more weeks.

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research paper on overcrowding of prisons

A government source pointed out that defendants judged to pose the most significant risk to the public will already be behind bars and this guidance does not apply to them.

The source also said courts can impose stringent bail conditions ahead of sentencing.

A Ministry of Justice spokesman said: "The new government inherited a prisons crisis, and this is yet another sign of the pressures our justice system is facing. The changes coming into force in September will bring it under control".

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research paper on overcrowding of prisons

Magistrates deal with crimes like assault and burglary, and have the power to hand down a maximum sentence of six months for a single offence and 12 months for multiple offences.

Earlier this week, the government triggered Operation Early Dawn - meaning defendants could be held in police cells for longer until prison space becomes available.

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    overcrowding caused by overreliance on colonial structures and limited resources (Motlalekgosi & Cilliers, 2020; Van Hout & Mhlanga-gunda, 2019). A recent study by Boakye et al. (2022) highlighted the impact of limited resources and overreliance on colonial structures on prison overcrowding in ghana and other parts of the continent.

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