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educational psychology

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educational psychology , theoretical and research branch of modern psychology , concerned with the learning processes and psychological problems associated with the teaching and training of students. The educational psychologist studies the cognitive development of students and the various factors involved in learning, including aptitude and learning measurement, the creative process, and the motivational forces that influence dynamics between students and teachers. Educational psychology is a partly experimental and partly applied branch of psychology, concerned with the optimization of learning. It differs from school psychology , which is an applied field that deals largely with problems in elementary and secondary school systems.

Educational psychology traces its origins to the experimental and empirical work on association and sensory activity by the English anthropologist Sir Francis Galton , and the American psychologist G. Stanley Hall , who wrote The Contents of Children’s Minds (1883). The major leader in the field of educational psychology, however, was the American educator and psychologist Edward Lee Thorndike , who designed methods to measure and test children’s intelligence and their ability to learn. Thorndike proposed the transfer-of-training theory, which states that “what is learned in one sphere of activity ‘transfers’ to another sphere only when the two spheres share common ‘elements.’ ”

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What Is Educational Psychology?

Studying the Process of How People Learn Most Effectively

• Major Perspectives
• Topics of Study

Frequently Asked Questions

Educational psychology is the study of how people learn and retain information. It mainly focuses on the learning process of early childhood and adolescence; however, learning is a lifelong endeavor. People don't only learn at school; rather, they learn through all of their life experiences, including at home, with friends, at work, through social media, and through culture.

Educational psychologists study the biological, cognitive, emotional, and social factors involved in learning and deepen our understanding of instructional strategies, individual learning styles, and the importance of the environmental context. They may specialize in children with specific learning challenges and develop teaching methods that help students succeed in school.

Educational psychology incorporates several other psychology disciplines , including developmental psychology , behavioral psychology , and cognitive psychology . Over time, five main schools of thought have emerged, including behaviorism, cognitivism, constructivism, experientialism, and social contextual learning theories.

This article discusses some of the different perspectives taken within the field of educational psychology, topics that educational psychologists study, and career options in this field.

8 Things to Know About Educational Psychology

Perspectives in educational psychology.

As with other areas of psychology, researchers within educational psychology tend to take on different perspectives when considering a problem. These perspectives focus on specific factors that influence learning, including thoughts, emotions, behaviors, experiences, and more.

Five main schools of thought dominate this field of research, including behavioral, developmental, cognitive, constructivist, and experiential perspectives.

The Behavioral Perspective

This perspective suggests that all behaviors are learned through conditioning, such as positive reinforcement . Psychologists who take this perspective rely firmly on the principles of operant conditioning to explain how learning happens.

For example, teachers might reward learning by giving students tokens that can be exchanged for desirable items such as candy or toys. The behavioral perspective operates on the theory that students will learn when rewarded for desirable behavior and punished for bad behavior.

While such methods can be useful in some cases, the behavioral approach has been criticized for failing to account for internal processes such as attitudes , emotions, and intrinsic motivations for learning.

The Developmental Perspective

The developmental perspective includes studying biological, cognitive, emotional, and social development throughout the lifespan. This perspective focuses on how children acquire new skills and knowledge as they grow and develop.

For developmental psychologists, there is a balance between nature and nurture in the learning process. This means that as the brain develops, the capacity for learning, problem-solving, and memory increases, and at the same time, life experiences with family, playmates, teachers, and mentors facilitate the learning process and acquisition of knowledge.

Jean Piaget's stages of cognitive development are one example of an important developmental theory that examines how children grow intellectually.

By understanding how children think at different stages of development, educational psychologists can better understand what children are capable of at each point of their growth. This can help educators create instructional methods and materials aimed at specific age groups.

The Cognitive Perspective

The cognitive approach has become much more widespread, mainly because it accounts for factors such as thinking, attention, information processing, and memory formation.

Cognitive psychologists value constructs such as individual beliefs, perspectives, emotions , and motivations that contribute to the learning process. This theory supports the idea that a person learns because of their own intrinsic motivation , not because of external rewards as a behaviorist would view it.

Cognitive psychology aims to understand how people think, learn, remember, and process information.

Educational psychologists who take a cognitive perspective are interested in understanding how kids become motivated to learn, how they remember the things that they learn, and how they solve problems, among other topics.

The Constructivist Approach

This perspective focuses on how we actively construct our knowledge of the world. Constructivism accounts for the social and cultural influences that affect how we learn.

Those who take the constructivist approach believe that what a person already knows significantly influences how they learn new information. This means that new knowledge can only be added to and understood in terms of existing knowledge.

This perspective is heavily influenced by the work of psychologist Lev Vygotsky , who proposed ideas such as the zone of proximal development and instructional scaffolding.

Experiential Perspective

This perspective emphasizes that a person's life experiences influence how they understand new information. This method is similar to constructivist and cognitive perspectives in that it considers the learner's experiences, thoughts, and feelings.

This method allows someone to find personal meaning in what they learn instead of feeling that the information doesn't apply to them.

Different perspectives on human learning can be helpful when looking at topics within the field of educational psychology. Each school of thought provides a unique perspective that adds to our overall understanding of the learner and the learning environment.

Topics in Educational Psychology

From the materials teachers use to the individual needs of students, educational psychologists delve deep to more fully understand the learning process. Some of these topics of study in educational psychology include:

• Educational technology : Looking at how different types of technology can help students learn
• Instructional design : Designing effective learning materials
• Special education : Helping students who may need specialized instruction
• Curriculum development : Creating coursework that will maximize learning
• Organizational learning : Studying how people learn in organizational settings, such as workplaces
• Gifted learners : Helping students who are identified as gifted learners

Careers in Educational Psychology

Educational psychologists work with educators, administrators, teachers, and students to analyze how to help people learn best. This often involves identifying students who may need extra help, developing programs for struggling students, and even creating new learning methods.

• School system . Many educational psychologists work directly with schools . Some are teachers or professors, while others help teachers try new learning methods for their students and develop new course curricula.
• Counselor . An educational psychologist may even become a counselor, directly helping students cope with learning barriers.
• Research . Other educational psychologists work in research. For instance, they might work for a government organization such as the U.S. Department of Education, influencing decisions about the best resources and programs for kids to learn in schools nationwide.
• Administration . In addition, an educational psychologist may work in school or university administration. In each of these roles, they can influence educational methods and help students learn in a way that best suits them.

A bachelor's degree and master's degree are usually required for careers in this field; if you want to work at a university or in school administration, you may also need to complete a doctorate.

Educational psychologists often work in schools to help students and teachers improve the learning experience. Other professionals in this field conduct research to investigate the learning process and evaluate programs designed to foster learning.

History of Educational Psychology

Educational psychology is a relatively young subfield that has experienced tremendous growth. Psychology did not emerge as a separate science until the late 1800s, so earlier interest in educational psychology was largely fueled by educational philosophers.

Many regard philosopher Johann Herbart as the father of educational psychology.

• Johann Herbart. He believed that a student's interest in a topic had a tremendous influence on the learning outcome. He believed teachers should consider this when deciding which type of instruction is most appropriate.
• William James. Psychologist and philosopher William James made significant contributions to the field. His seminal 1899 text "Talks to Teachers on Psychology" is considered the first textbook on educational psychology.
• Alfred Binet. In the early 1900s, French psychologist Alfred Binet was developing his famous IQ tests. The tests were originally designed to help the French government identify children who had developmental delays and create special education programs.
• John Dewey. In the United States, John Dewey had a significant influence on education. Dewey's ideas were progressive; he believed schools should focus on students rather than on subjects. He advocated active learning, arguing that hands-on experience was an important part of the process.
• Benjamin Bloom. More recently, educational psychologist Benjamin Bloom developed an important taxonomy designed to categorize and describe different educational objectives. The three top-level domains he described were cognitive, affective, and psychomotor learning objectives.

Other Significant Figures

Throughout history, several additional figures have played an important role in the development of educational psychology. Some of these well-known individuals include:

• John Locke : Locke is an English philosopher who suggested the concept of tabula rasa , or the idea that the mind is essentially a blank slate at birth. This means that knowledge is developed through experience and learning.
• Jean Piaget : A Swiss psychologist best known for his highly influential theory of cognitive development, Piaget's influence on educational psychology is still evident today.
• B.F. Skinner : Skinner was an American psychologist who introduced the concept of operant conditioning, which influences behaviorist perspectives. His research on reinforcement and punishment continues to play an important role in education.

Educational psychology has been influenced by a number of philosophers, psychologists, and educators. Some thinkers who had a significant influence include William James, Alfred Binet, John Dewey, Jean Piaget, Benjamin Bloom, and many more.

Final Thoughts

Educational psychology offers valuable insights into how people learn and plays an important role in informing educational strategies and teaching methods. In addition to exploring the learning process itself, different areas of educational psychology explore the emotional, social, and cognitive factors that can influence how people learn. If you are interested in topics such as special education, curriculum design, and educational technology, then you might want to consider pursuing a career in the field of educational psychology.

A master's in educational psychology can prepare you for a career working in K-12 schools, colleges and universities, government agencies, community organizations, and counseling practices. A career as an educational psychologist involves working with children, families, schools, and other community and government agencies to create programs and resources that enhance learning. 

The primary focus of educational psychology is the study of how people learn. This includes exploring the instructional processes, studying individual differences in how people learn, and developing teaching methods to help people learn more effectively.

Educational psychology is important because it has the potential to help both students and teachers. It provides important information for educators to help them create educational experiences, measure learning, and improve student motivation.

Educational psychology can aid teachers in better understanding the principles of learning in order to design more engaging and effective lesson plans and classroom experiences. It can also foster a better understanding of how learning environments, social factors, and student motivation can influence how students learn.

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By Kendra Cherry, MSEd Kendra Cherry, MS, is a psychosocial rehabilitation specialist, psychology educator, and author of the "Everything Psychology Book."

Revolutionizing Education

How ai tutors are transforming learning and what educators need to know..

Posted September 4, 2024 | Reviewed by Davia Sills

• Why Education Is Important
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• The use of AI in education is not a new phenomenon; it dates back nearly a century.
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In the ever-evolving landscape of education , the integration of artificial intelligence (AI) continues to redefine how students learn and how educators teach. The recent study “Transforming Learning: Assessing the Efficacy of a Retrieval-Augmented Generation System as a Tutor for Introductory Psychology” by Slade et al. (2024) explores the impact of AI tutors on student learning outcomes, presenting both promising advancements and important considerations for the future of AI in education.

The Evolution of AI in Education

The use of AI in education is not a new phenomenon. It dates back nearly a century, with early innovations like the automated multiple-choice machine and B.F. Skinner ’s teaching machine. These early tools were designed to allow students to learn at their own pace, a goal that remains central to the AI in Education (AIED) movement today. However, the capabilities of AI have grown exponentially, especially with the advent of large language models (LLMs) like GPT-4. These models can interact with users in remarkably human-like ways, marking a significant leap forward in educational technology.

The Study: AI Tutors in Action

The study by Slade et al. (2024) focuses on the use of a Retrieval-Augmented Generation (RAG) system, a more advanced form of AI that supplements its internal knowledge base with external data to provide more accurate and relevant responses. The researchers sought to understand whether using AI assistance in completing writing assignments would impact students' retention of learning material.

In the study, undergraduate psychology students were randomly assigned to complete a writing assignment under three conditions: with the assistance of a RAG-based AI tutor, with unmodified GPT-4Turbo, or without any AI assistance. The results were intriguing. Contrary to the initial hypothesis, which suggested that students using AI would score lower on subsequent quizzes, those who used AI—whether the RAG-based tutor or GPT-4Turbo—actually scored higher on average than those who did not use AI. This suggests that AI tools, when used effectively, can enhance learning rather than hinder it.

Effort Matters

An important finding of the study was the role of student effort in determining learning outcomes. Regardless of whether students used AI, those who reported putting more effort into their assignments scored higher on quizzes. This underscores a critical point—while AI can be a powerful tool for learning, its effectiveness is still largely dependent on how students choose to engage with it. The technology alone cannot replace the need for active participation and effort from students.

The Potential and Limitations of AI Tutors

The study’s findings highlight the potential of AI tutors to support learning, particularly in content areas where the AI has been well-trained. However, the lack of significant difference between the RAG-based system and the unmodified GPT-4Turbo raises questions about the necessity of more complex AI systems for certain tasks. For simpler assignments or content areas that are well-represented in existing LLMs, freely available tools like GPT-4Turbo may be just as effective as more specialized systems.

However, the study also points to limitations and areas for further research. One concern is the phenomenon of AI “hallucinations,” where the model generates plausible sounding but incorrect responses. The study did not specifically measure the accuracy of the AI-generated content, but this is an area that warrants attention , especially as AI tools become more integrated into educational settings. Ensuring that students are receiving accurate information is critical for the credibility and effectiveness of AI tutors.

Ethical and Practical Considerations

As AI becomes more prevalent in education, ethical considerations also come to the forefront. The study touches on concerns related to data security and privacy, particularly regarding how student data is used and stored by AI systems. Additionally, there is the question of access—if only expensive, proprietary AI systems are effective, this could exacerbate educational inequalities. However, the possibility that open-source models could be as effective as their costly counterparts offers hope for more equitable access to AI-driven educational tools.

Another important consideration is the impact of AI on traditional teaching roles. While AI can provide valuable support, it should complement rather than replace human teachers. The personal connection and nuanced understanding that human educators bring to their students’ learning experiences cannot be fully replicated by AI.

Key Takeaways for Educators and Institutions

For educators and institutions considering the integration of AI into their teaching, there are several key takeaways from this study:

• Use AI as a Complement, Not a Replacement: AI can enhance learning, but it should be used to support, not replace, traditional teaching methods.
• Encourage Student Effort: The effectiveness of AI tools is closely tied to the effort students put into their learning. Educators should encourage active engagement with AI tools.
• Focus on Accuracy: Ensure that AI tools are providing accurate information and supplement them with human oversight where necessary.
• Consider Accessibility: Strive to use AI tools that are accessible to all students to avoid widening the gap between those who can afford advanced technologies and those who cannot.
• Address Ethical Concerns: Be mindful of data privacy, security, and the broader ethical implications of using AI in education.

The Future of AI in Education

The integration of AI into education presents both exciting opportunities and significant challenges. As the study by Slade et al. (2024) illustrates, AI tutors have the potential to enhance learning, but their success depends on how they are used and the context in which they are deployed.

As educators, it is crucial to approach AI with both enthusiasm for its possibilities and caution regarding its limitations. As Voltaire (and Uncle Ben to Peter Parker) said, “With great power comes great responsibility.” By carefully considering the role of AI in education, we can harness its potential to transform learning for the better.

Slade, J. J., Hyk, A., & Gurung, R. A. R. (2024). Transforming learning: Assessing the efficacy of a retrieval-augmented generation system as a tutor for introductory psychology. Proceedings of the Human Factors and Ergonomics Society Annual Meeting . https://doi.org/10.1177/10711813241275509

Jessica Koehler, Ph.D., is an Associate Faculty Member in the University of Arizona Global Campus Psychology Department.

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The application of positive psychology in the practice of education

Anna pluskota.

Instutute of Sociology, Nicolaus Copernicus University, Fosa Staromiejska 1a, Toruń, 87-100 Poland

The purpose of the study is to present the possibility of the application in the field of education this highly interesting and promising trend in the psychology which is the positive psychology. For this reason the origins as well as an outline of the interest scope of this relatively recent, dating back only over 10 years, trend are shown. A crucial question has become in this context the examination of the relationship between the positive psychology and the education, particularly regarding the potential linked to the prospect of the so called strong points”. The founding fathers as well as the supporters of the positive psychology try to propagate it in the therapy and in the fields of organization and education. In the following text some selected concepts of the positive psychology and the corresponding examples of their practical use in the form of the so called positive prevention and intervention programs in the domain of education are described.

Introduction

To begin with, some short explanation may be helpful. Despite the heading, this paper does not relate to what is or has been positive in education. The reason is not at all due to the fact that it is much easier to discuss the negative things about education, the diagnosis and analysis of problematical shortcomings and deficiencies, than it is to discuss positive aspects. Rather, the purpose of the article is simply to show the possibility of applying a new scientific concept to education – the concept of positive psychology. But before continuing, the difficulties of discussing positive aspects should be clarified.

Inspiration was given by a survey of scientific publications about psychology, covering both positive aspects and negative aspects. The survey had been conducted by a number of psychologists, including positive psychologists a , and it was decided to adopt their procedures for this paper. The database EBSCO was surveyed, covering a ten-year span. It was found that “education” was quite often correlated with negative subject matter. But this does not show that the database is unusual in any respect. It is surmised that surveys of other databases would show a similar result, and not only for education. It seems that sociology researchers are inclined in a specific way by their profession to penetrate all kinds of pathology and negative phenomena.

The same is true of the 20th Century literature of psychology. David G Myers draws attention to the fact that in “PsycInfo”, the electronic database of “Psychological Extracts”, for every twenty articles discussing negative emotions like prejudice, anxiety, anger, aggression, depression, etc., there is only one which deals with positive emotions like joy, satisfaction, happiness etc. (Myers 2000 ). Martin E P Seligman reports that for every hundred articles about sadness, there can be found only one about happiness. Contemporary psychology is preoccupied with the negative side of life, and interprets the functioning of the person only in terms of a disease model, ignoring almost completely the positive side of life (Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi 2000 ; Seligman 2005a ). In the opinion of Seligman, contemporary psychology comes close to being “victimology”, a science of victims and injuries b .

Moreover, he believes that the social sciences have become sciences of “isms” (e.g. racism, sexism, ageism) and of all kinds of pathologies. They now exclude responsibility, the ability to make decisions, and free will, and consider individuls to act like puppets on strings, being controlled by their race, class, sex and gender roles and by “incentives” arising from their environment (Seligman 2005a ).

Positive psychology has also emerged in specific reaction to the deteriorating social indicators in many economically and socially developed countries, because the progress of their economies, the growing wealth of states and their citizens, is not matched by an increase in life satisfaction, i.e. to mental well-being.

According to the World Health Organization, mental depression is the main cause of disability, and had become by the year 2000 the fourth gravest health problem throughout the world (see the YLD-indicator ( Y ears of life L ost due to D isability) and the DALY- indicator ( D isability- A djusted L ife Y ears) in the website of the World Health Organization (Mental Health, 2001 ). WHO experts estimate that by 2020 depression will have become the second largest health problem in the world. Also, the foremost proponents of positive psychology (among others Seligman 2005a Myers 2000 ) expect an epidemic of depression which will be particularly dangerous in view of the fact that depression increasingly affects younger people. According to the DALY indicator, in the age group 15–44 years depression is now the second greatest cause of disability, while suicide is one of the most frequent causes of death across the world, especially for young people (WHO official website, 2010).

An epidemic of depression, pessimism and lowered self-esteem in the young generation constitutes not only one of the major threats to mental health, but also becomes a serious social and economic problem Although positive psychology was conceived in reaction to deteriorating social indicators, that does not mean it is the only remedy. In the view of the founder of positive psychology, Martin Seligman, education is the most important weapon in combating and preventing the above identified problems and threats. Seligman attributed that particular significance to education from the very beginning, that is, since positive psychology was proclaimed. (It can be taken that positive psychology dates from his inauguration speech when he was elected President of the American Psychology Association in 1998). Hence, he argues that positive psychology alone is not capable of coping effectively with an epidemic of depression in the young generation; whereas education can be the best help, if based on the findings and solutions developed in the framework of the trend of thought described hereunder. So, what can the “new” positive education add to social practice and theory? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to mention, at least in a nutshell, what positive psychology is and what it is not.

Positive psychology – How it came about, and what its interests are

After World War II, psychology was concerned with only one theme – mental diseases and psychological problems, and their treatment or prevention. Hence, as already described, the functioning person was analysed almost exclusively in terms of a disease model, a model of deficits. Devoting so much attention to every kind of pathology and phobia resulted in the elimination of the very idea of a fulfilled individual, prospering community from psychological research. It also ignored or denied those possibilities and potentials which could be realised through accessing underlying basic strengths, (in a person, community or institution). As Seligman says, the support and regeneration of existing strengths is the most effective weapon in the therapeutic arsenal (Seligman 2005a , b ).

The objective of positive psychology is therefore to initiate a change in psychology as well as in the social sciences, a change to cause a re-orientation and turning away from being exclusively busy with repairing the worst things in life, towards developing the best qualities in life (Seligman 2005a , b ). Positive psychology as a science is based on three pillars The first is a positive life experience for individuals – exploiting positive emotions . The second pillar is a person’s positive physical properties – exploiting positive personality traits , mainly virtues and strengths, but also aptitudes. The third pillar is a positive society – exploiting positive social institutions, in particular those such as democracy, a strong family, and education which promotes positive development (Seligman 2005a ). An eminent task of positive psychology is to provide a theoretical basis as well as practical solutions to enable people to improve their mental well-being and to achieve better physical health. This new trend focuses on scientific research into resources, strengths and happiness. It concentrates on understanding, explaining, and supporting happiness and well-being, as well as upon uncovering the factors influencing such states (Carr 2009 Gable and Haidt 2005 ). Even though the name of the trend was chosen in order to emphasize its area of interest (i.e. what is positive) and to underscore its difference in relation to the post-war achievements in psychology (with their main focus on what is negative), positive psychology is not in itself a separate science in competition with the earlier trends in psychology. Seligman has himself stressed many times that positive psychology is not to be seen in terms of a paradigm shift, and that no dichotomization has occurred in the field of psychology. He is, rather, convinced that it would be a mistake to try to reduce the idea to the mere assumption that once positive psychology had been identified, all that is outside its area of interest would belong to a different type of “negative” psychology c .

Although exponents of positive psychology do not explain the functioning of person by the deficit model (explaining function in terms of making up for shortages, minimising pain, compensating for deficits, repairing damage) they do not deny the existence of shortages, deficits and suffering. They argue, however, in favour of the so-called positive model, or strength signatures model, which aims not merely to help the individual to return to normality (normality being understood to be an absence of disturbances), but above all to strive for optimal functioning and development. Positive psychologists are convinced that concentrating on the positive model expands the resources of individuals and of society, contributing to their flourishing and thus reducing the need for “traditional” psychological and social interventions. Also, they believe that the positive model is not in competition with, but complementary to, the deficit model.

Positive psychology should not be seen as research in opposition to the earlier psychology. In creating its new and original theoretical models, positive psychology uses – both theoretically and methodologically – the same set of tools as traditional psychology does. In view of this fact, there is no need for positive psychology to be built entirely as a new construct. There is only required “a change of the object of interest – just moving away from repairing what is worst in life towards creating what is best in life” (Seligman 2005a ). It constitutes a necessary complement to traditional psychology, bringing in a more systematic and penetrating approach to studying and supporting the optimal functioning of human beings (Seligman et al. 2004 ).

Positive psychology is sometimes judged to be very close to the popular and pseudo-scientific trend of Positive Thinking. It is even sometimes identified with positive thinking d . This demonstrates once again how deceptive the term positive psychology can be. In fact, positive thinking (which is even sometimes regarded as a trend or sub-discipline of science) assumes that it is enough only to think positively in order automatically to be successful, be happy, rich, to enjoy good health and to feel good, and actually contradicts the findings of positive psychology. Positive thinking as a pop-psychological trend, method, or even ideology, but based on ignorance and lack of knowledge, is inefficient and deceptive. According to the positive psychologists (but not only positive psychologists), positive thinking is noxious.

Positivity in education – a little about the relationship between positive psychology and education

Returning to the previously formulated question about the relationship between positive psychology and education, the connection between the former and educational psychology should be considered. Educational psychology deals – generally speaking, both in its theory and practice – with the development of the affective, cognitive and social competence of young people. Its basic tenets are anchored in humanistic psychology, in which positive psychology resembles it. The theoretical as well as the practical solutions of educational psychology are based on the assumption that research into the development of a young individual is to be made in the context of the impacts and requirements of social surroundings such as family, school setting and culture. The aim of educational psychology is to help young people find their self-esteem, the meaning of life, and to gain self-confidence. In this dimension, positive psychology converges with the assumptions and practice of educational psychology. The scope of the trend presented in this article is, however, wider when compared with educational psychology, which focuses merely upon some aspects of the quality of life; that is, those which are relevant to children and youths. The objective of positive psychology is to establish original theoretical models concerning the good life in general, with their practical large–scale application going beyond pre-adult educational settings. Hence, there is the possibility of practical implementation of positive psychology in a range of contexts related to a wider concept of education – that of lifelong learning.

Martin E P Seligman has ascribed – from the very beginning when positive psychology was called into being – an immense importance to education in the widest sense. Optimal functioning, improved mental well-being, and effective prevention of an epidemic of depression will not be possible unless the concepts of hard determinism are questioned; the hard determinism which treats the individual as a victim of his or her own biological and socio-demographic characteristics – genes, class, race, gender, material wealth, etc.- and as a prisoner of his or her own past e .

The consequence of such hard determinism, so particularly characteristic of the social sciences (especially sociology, psychology and pedagogy), is the widespread view that the past determines both the present and the future, and leads to over-emphasis on negative events and negative emotions. Seligman believes that pessimistic assumptions about the future obstruct or even prevent proper development. They are completely unhelpful whenever development is at stake; in contrast, positive assumptions about the future precede and facilitate progress.

Seligman suggests that the field of education, particularly as far as the younger generation is concerned, should turn to look to the future, should focus on positive emotions, social commitment, the search for meaning, for harmony in human relations; on positive achievements, volition, and freedom, as well as upon health and growth f . Positive psychology postulates an understanding of individuals as being neither restricted nor pre-determined, as having personal will and freedom, possessing the potential for growth arising from her or his own strength signatures and virtues. Accordingly, says Seligman, positive psychology can be useful in education and become a reliable tool for definite increases in mental well-being. Even convinced as he is that positive psychology should be present in education, he asks whether mental well-being is something to be learned; whether it is – if it can be put so – learnable. He answers this question affirmatively. In order to support this assertion, he refers to empirically validated evidence obtained from practical applications of positive psychology, which shows that it is. Among the available evidence there are programs of so-called positive intervention in the field of education, such as for example the training of optimism – the Penn Resiliency Program – or supporting positive emotions – Three Blessings – or the diagnosis and further development of strengths – Signature Strengths g .

Programs of positive intervention – some examples of the application of positive psychology in the field of education

The Penn Resiliency Program (PRP) is a program designed to incorporate, as its main message, prevention of and resistance against the depression epidemic among youngsters h . It is based upon the psychological concept stating the highly consequential fact that our convictions regarding events and their interpretation have an impact not only on our emotions but also on our behavioural patterns. The theoretical foundation of this program is the concept of optimism-pessimism elaborated by Seligman, in which optimism and pessimism, considered as relatively durable human traits, have a decisive impact on the total functioning of human beings. They generate activity or passivity, and determine motivation and the choice of strategy for action, and the shape as well as the ways in which life objectives are realized. Optimism or pessimism account for the ability to transcend one’s own limits, or for being overwhelmed by feelings of helplessness (Pluskota-Lewandowska 2000 , 2009 ). They are both learned predispositions, despite their relatively permanent character. Therefore the PRP – leaning on the assumptions of cognitive-behavioural therapy – adopts a wide range of methods and tools to induce an optimistic style of personal development i . Positive intervention of the kind exemplified by the PRP has its own empirical foundation, its effects having been evaluated through longitudinal studies conducted by various research teams in the different continents where the PRP has been implemented. As pointed out by the researchers, the program has proved to be highly effective in reducing the indicators of depression, as measured by the use of standardized scales of helplessness, hopelessness, and depression. The results of the longitudinal studies show that this effect is still maintained two years after the completion of the program. Researchers are convinced that the empirical data proves the long-lasting positive effects of the intervention (Cutuli et al. 2006 Gillham et al. 1995 Gillham and Reivich 1999 Roberts et al. 2004 Seligman et al. 2005 ).

The measurements carried out a short time after ending the PRP, and the measurements made after six months or even after two years, provide the evidence that a learned optimistic attitude to success and failure is used decidedly more often among young people who took part in the project, than in the control group who had not taken part. Over the past 20 years, two thousand children between the ages of 8 and 15 years, and from different countries, have participated in the program. The empirically validated effects, as demonstrated by the evaluations, show an increase in psychological resilience, prevention and reduction of the symptoms of depression, the minimising of feelings of hopelessness, lower levels of clinical depression, the prevention or reduction of anxiety, and reduced aggression and criminality (Seligman et al. 2009 ).

Social commitment – signature strengths

Diagnosing and further developing strengths – this is the proposal widely promoted by Martin E P Seligman, based on the concept of so-called signature strengths. It is interesting to note that this concept emerged to meet needs in the field of education, notwithstanding the fact that as its authors and supporters believe, it can be more widely applied (signature strengths being, in practice, applicable for any individual, independently of that person’s social and demographic characteristics). The immediate reason, the driving force leading to this conception, was the necessity of constructing an effective intervention program for young people, financed by the Education department of the United States of America. A representative of that department asked Martin Seligman for help in 1999. He in turn convoked and assembled a team of scholars, presided over by Christopher Peterson. The main idea of the team was the assumption that any intervention aiming to improve the “character” of the youths would not be possible until those in charge of the program had acquired a background knowledge of what was to be made better. This is how the idea of a “taxonomy of good character” arose – the classification of strengths (Seligman 2005a ). In consequence, the main task for the scholars and practitioners involved in the reported projects (and consequently a task for positive psychology) became to identify and elaborate a classification of the resources, strengths and virtues of a person. This would offer a counterpart to the psycho-pathological classification as presented in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). The result submitted by the team led by Christopher Peterson is a formal list of character strengths and virtues, abbreviated to “CSV”, which was presented in a detailed form in the book published by Peterson and Seligman 2004 , titled “Character Strengths and Virtues: a Handbook and Classification (Peterson and Seligman 2004 ). As mentioned above, the adherents of this classification believe that it is exhaustive and universally valid because it represents values which are recognised and held in high esteem across all known cultures. The classification embraces six virtues: wisdom, courage, humanity, justice, temperance, and transcendence. These six virtues correspond with 24 character strengths composing various individualized structures (hence the name of “signature strengths”), which characterize and spell out the individual traits of each person (Seligman 2005a ). The intervention of positive psychology, but based upon the concept of signature strengths, differs, according to Seligman, from many prevention and healing procedures in psychology (positive psychology included) inasmuch as it makes use and takes advantage of an individual’s inherent personal resources and strengths. The point is to develop virtues and signature strengths by identifying and harnessing them (Seligman 2005a ). Furthermore, Seligman argues that an individual should not use too much effort to reduce or eliminate weaknesses, because success in life and emotional satisfaction stem from building and taking advantage of signature strengths, which should therefore be concentrated on. The respective virtues and corresponding strengths should be further developed and increased through selection as well as by undertaking tasks and challenges which consolidate those virtues and strengths. Seligman affirms that this is an additional and important guideline that can be successfully applied in the field of education – in teaching and prevention programs etc.

Positive emotions – “Three blessings”

Another kind of positive intervention is the “Three Blessings” program for supporting positive emotions. Its theoretical background is the theory of the broaden-and-build function of positive emotions formulated and advanced by Barbara Fredrickson. She succeeded in overcoming the traditional stereotype of thinking that well-being is a result of indicator of prosperity in life. Her argument is that positive emotion is not only a signal of well-being, but also one of the factors determining it, the feeling of happiness being not only an effect of prosperity in life, but also (and perhaps primarily) the basis for prosperity (Fredrickson 1998 , 2001 ). The theory of the broaden-and-build function of positive emotions is one of the empirically best-proven concepts in positive psychology. The results of experimental and longitudinal studies support Fredrickson in maintaining that positive affective experiences do not merely signal well-being, but also contribute to growth and development (Carr 2009 ) Positive emotions temporarily extend the repertoire of thoughts and patterns of behaviour, and this extension provides the chance for durable personal resources to be accumulated. They in turn enable individual development and transformation by creating positive or adaptive spirals of emotions, cognitive acts and actions. Enrichment of personal resources diminishes vulnerability and as a consequence increases the chances of experiencing even more positive emotions. Fredrickson calls this mechanism the upward spiral of positive emotions (Fredrickson 2003 ).

What can be the meaning of the theory of broaden-and-build action of positive emotions for education? The results of research into the education of children show that children in a positive frame of mind learn faster. Thanks to positive emotions, their intellectual resources (span of attention, creativity, and intuition) are increased, their social skills (like using or sharing the perspective of others, cooperation, and prosocial attitudes) rise, and their physical fitnesss improves (Fredrickson 1998 ). Positive emotions open up new opportunities and outlooks, fostering the extension of one’s range of vision to go beyond the repertoire of tested and habitual thoughts and activities. Overall, the indirect effect of positive emotions is an increase in the resources available to cope with stress. The active intervention project named Three Blessings was conceived as a simple exercise aimed at arousing positive emotions in children by way of a special examination of what had happened in the course of the previous day. The child is expected to recall three things which had happened (the importance of the things not needing to be significant) and which had gone successfully, “smoothly”, in that child’s opinion. Then the child follows with an explanation and interpretation of the causes for success. Those who are in favour of this kind of exercise point to its good effect, validated by empirical evidence, consisting of an enhanced feeling of happiness lasting for up to six months (Wallis 2005 ).

Positive Psychology enjoys, as hardly any of the new trends in psychology ever did before, a high degree of popularity and spontaneous recognition among numerous scholars and outsiders alike. It is a brilliant example of well-selling (both figuratively and literally) scientific knowledge with multiple aspects: therapeutic (in various forms of therapy), educational, in human resource management, in organizational management, and so on. There are many examples which demonstrate that the findings of positive psychology can be applied practically beyond the immediate domain of psychology. However, this relatively fresh trend of thought is not completely without controversy. It is outside the scope of this article to quote and discuss the criticism attracted by positive psychology. Nevertheless, it should be noted that most of it is constructive.

The rising indicators of depression among young people throughout the world, and their low levels of life satisfaction, referred to even as a “depression epidemic”, are for positive psychologists a strong argument in favour of implementing the presented developments in the field of education. Positive education is defined by those psychologists both as an education which improves the teaching of traditional subjects, and as an education for happiness also. They consequently maintain that such attributes as psychological resilience, social commitment, and a sense of meaningfulness in life, should be transmitted to children by teaching at school. This would serve as a vehicle to increase satisfaction with life, to help children to learn, and to support them in their own development of creative thinking. School can become a place to enable young people to achieve large-scale development, and increase their personal resources and their mental well-being. School seems to be a perfect place for implementing positive initiatives (prevention and positive therapy) for learning mental well-being – most young people attend schools and spend most of their time at school (even in countries where attendance at elementary school is not obligatory).

Authentic Happiness – the homepage of Dr. Martin Seligman, Director of the Positive Psychology Center at the University of Pennsylvania. http://www.authentichappiness.sas.upenn.edu/Default.aspx . Accessed 15 February 2014.

Official website of the Positive Psychology Center at the University of Pennsylvania. http://www.ppc.sas.upenn.edu/prplessons.pdf . Accessed 01 February 2014.

Official website of the University of Social Sciences and Humanities, http://www.swps.pl/uczelnia-wroclaw/seminarium-seligman/dyskusje-panelowe . Accessed 14 December 2010.

Official website of the World Health Organization. http://www.who.un.org.pl/aktualnosci.php?news=330&wid=9.pdf . Accessed 14 December 2010.

a Among others Czapiński 2005 Myers 2000 Seligman 2005a .

b Despite the fact that positive psychology has been developing fast and became popular among psychologists it is not well known outside of the field. Therefore the goal of this article is to introduce the positive psychology to the readers that are not experts in the field or are not familiar with this trend at all. Consequently the introduction includes the origin of positive psychology using primarily Seligman’s notion of “Positive Psychology”. This is due to the fact that Seligman is recognized as one of the founding father of positive psychology who played the crucial role in creating theoretical pillars of the trend. He was also the one who announced the new trend to the world. Moreover the two out of three examples of positive psychological interventions in the education were based on Seligman’s concepts. The selection of the examples itself was not random – they have been empirically documented to the great extent and extensively discussed. They are also applied the most often in the education field.

c It should be noted however that the confrontational tone of early publications by Seligman – early in terms of the overall history of positive psychology – can suggest such a division.

d This statement is based on the author’s own experience in teaching “positive psychology” course at the Nicolaus Copernicus University, Toruń, Poland. Social science students often fail to recognize the difference between the “positive psychology” and “positive thinking” trend. It is also important to point out that the founders of Positive Psychology Center (PPC) at the University of Pennsylvania recognized this confusion among the Internet users interested in “positive psychology” and explained that “Positive psychology is different from positive thinking in three significant ways. First, positive psychology is grounded in empirical and replicable scientific study. Second, positive thinking urges positivity on us for all times and places, but positive psychology does not. Positive psychology recognizes that in spite of the advantages of positive thinking, there are times when negative or realistic thinking is appropriate.” [ http://www.ppc.sas.upenn.edu/faqs.htm ]. Kendra Cherry who specializes in making psychology more understandable for students, uses a similar approach. She is the author of the Everything Psychology Book (Cherry 2010 ). Despite the fact that the literature and the Internet resources on the subject include many similar clarifications, there are still many instances of mistaking “positive psychology” for “positive thinking” trend.

e Seligman speaks in this context about the intellectual legacy of Darwinism, Marxism, Freudianism, all of which he describes as dogmas (Intellectual Dogma Background) which treat the individual as a slave of genes and class, as a wage slave, or as a slave of one’s own psychic past related to sexuality and aggression (Seligman 2010 ).

f Quoted from the presentation held by Seligman during the Symposium Positive Psychology with Prof. dr. Seligman, Seligman Europe 2010, Wroclaw, Poland.; 3rd of July 2010 (Seligman 2010 ).

g More information on the subject of those programs can be found in the website pages of the Positive Psychology Center – http://www.ppc.sas.upenn.edu/index.html , in the pages of “Authentic Happiness” http://www.authentichappiness.sas.upenn.edu/Default.asnx as well as in the publications: Cutuli et al. 2006 Gillham et al. 1995 Gillham and Reivich 1999 Jaycox et al. 1994 Roberts et al. 2004 Seligman et al. 2005 Seligman et al. 2009 Shimai et al. 2006 , Zubernis et al. 1999 .

h Seligman reports replications of the program to involve 3000 children before 2010 (Seligman 2010 ).

i Among those methods, tools, and techniques are the following forms: role-playing, short stories, animated cartoons, all of which provide the possibility of gaining an understanding of the point of the above-noted concept. Suitable for this purpose could also be group discussion of the use of the learned skills in hypothetical as well as real situations.

Competing interests

The author declare that she have no competing interests.

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What Is Educational Psychology? 6 Examples and Theories

Plato believed that learning is based on the mind’s innate capacity to receive information and judge its intellectual and moral value.

Plato’s foremost pupil, Aristotle, emphasized how learning involves building associations such as succession in time, contiguity in space, and similarities and/or contrasts.

Later thinkers would devote considerable attention to learning and memory processes, various teaching methods, and how learning can be optimized.

Together, these thinkers have formed the growing and diverse body of theory and practice of educational psychology, and this intriguing topic is what we will discuss below.

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This Article Contains:

What is educational psychology and why is it important, a brief history of the field, job description and roles of an educational psychologist, 3 real-life examples, 3 popular theories, educational psychology research topics, educational psychology vs school psychology, a look into vygotsky’s ideas, positivepsychology.com’s relevant resources, a take-home message.

Educational psychology is dedicated to the study and improvement of human learning, across the lifespan, in whatever setting it occurs.

Such settings include not only schools, but also workplaces, organized sports, government agencies, and retirement communities – anywhere humans are engaged in instruction and learning of some type.

Educational psychology is important because of its focus on understanding and improving the crucial human capacity to learn.

In this mission of enhancing learning, educational psychologists seek to assist students and teachers alike.

However, it was not until later in history that educational psychology emerged as a field in its own right, distinct from philosophy.

John Locke (1632–1704), the influential British philosopher and “father of psychology,” famously described the human mind as a tabula rasa  (blank slate) that had no innate or inborn knowledge, but could only learn through the accumulation of experiences.

Johann Herbart (1776–1841) is considered the founder of educational psychology as a distinct field. He emphasized interest in a subject as a crucial component of learning.

He also proposed five formal steps of learning:

• Reviewing what is already known
• Previewing new material to be learned
• Presenting new material
• Relating new material to what is already known
• Showing how new knowledge can be usefully applied

Maria Montessori (1870–1952) was an Italian physician and educator who started by teaching disabled and underprivileged children. She then founded a network of schools that taught children of all backgrounds using a hands-on, multi-sensory, and often student-directed approach to learning.

Nathaniel Gage (1917–2008) was an influential educational psychologist who pioneered research on teaching. He served in the U.S. Army during WWII, where he developed aptitude tests for selecting airplane navigators and radar operators.

Gage went on to develop a research program that did much to advance the scientific study of teaching.

He believed that progress in learning highly depends on effective teaching and that a robust theory of effective teaching has to cover:

• The process of teaching
• Content to be taught
• Student abilities and motivation level
• Classroom management

The above is only a sample of the influential thinkers who have contributed over time to the field of educational psychology.

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Educational psychologists have typically earned either a master’s degree or doctorate in the field.

They work in a variety of teaching, research, and applied settings (e.g., K–12, universities, the military, and educational industries like textbook and test developers).

Those with a doctorate often teach and do research at colleges or universities.

They teach basic courses such as Introduction to Educational Psychology  and more advanced seminars such as Professional Ethics in Educational Psychology , or Research Methods in Educational Psychology .

They conduct research on topics such as the best measure of literacy skills for students in secondary education, the most effective method for teaching early career professionals in engineering, and the relationship between education level and emotional health in retirees.

Educational psychologists also work in various applied roles, such as consulting on curriculum design; evaluating educational programs at schools or training sites; and offering teachers the best instructional methods for a subject area, grade level, or population, be it mainstream students, those with disabilities, or gifted students.

This theory states that besides the traditionally measured verbal and visual–spatial forms of intelligence, there are also forms that include kinesthetic or athletic intelligence, interpersonal or social–emotional intelligence, musical or artistic intelligence, and perhaps other forms we have not yet learned to measure.

Dr. Gardner teaches, conducts research, and publishes. His many books include Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences (1983) and The Disciplined Mind: Beyond Facts and Standardized Tests, the Education That Every Child Deserves  (2000).

Mamie Phipps Clark (1917–1983), shown above, was the first African-American woman to receive a doctorate in psychology from Columbia University. She and her husband Kenneth Clark (1914–2005) were interested in development and self-esteem in African-American children.

Her doctoral work illustrated the dehumanizing effect of segregated schools on both African-American and white children, in the well-known “doll study” (Clark & Clark, 1939). She found that both African-American children and white children imputed more positive characteristics to white dolls than to Black dolls.

This work was used as evidence in Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the unanimous U.S. Supreme Court ruling that decided that schools separated by race were not equal and must be desegregated.

She and her husband founded several institutions dedicated to providing counseling and educational services for underprivileged African-American children, including the Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited project.

Irene Marie Montero Gil earned her master’s degree from the Department of Evolutionary and Educational Psychology at the Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain.

Ms. Montero Gil had been balancing subsequent doctoral studies with her role as the youngest member of Spain’s Congress of Deputies, representing Madrid. She later postponed her studies to become Spain’s Minister of Equality, an office that advocates for equal opportunity regardless of age, gender, or disability.

The above examples show just some contributions that educational psychologists can make in research, teaching, legal, and advocacy contexts.

Day in the life of an educational psychologist w/ Dr. Sarah Chestnut

Various theories have been developed to account for how humans learn. Some of the most enduring and representative modern-day theories are discussed below.

1. Behaviorism

Behaviorism equates learning with observable changes in activity (Skinner, 1938). For example, an assembly line worker might have “learned” to assemble a toy from parts, and after 10 practice sessions, the worker can do so without errors within 60 seconds.

In behaviorism, there is a focus on stimuli or prompts to action (your supervisor hands you a box of toy parts), followed by a behavior (you assemble the toy), followed by reinforcement or lack thereof (you receive a raise for the fastest toy assembly).

Behaviorism holds that the behavioral responses that are positively reinforced are more likely to recur in the future.

We should note that behaviorists believe in a pre-set, external reality that is progressively discovered by learning.

Some scholars have also held that from a behaviorist perspective, learners are more reactive to environmental stimuli than active or proactive in the learning process (Ertmer & Newby, 2013).

However, one of the most robust developments in the later behaviorist tradition is that of positive behavioral intervention and supports (PBIS), in which proactive techniques play a prominent role in enhancing learning within schools.

Such proactive behavioral supports include maximizing structure in classrooms, teaching clear behavioral expectations in advance, regularly using prompts with students, and actively supervising students (Simonsen & Myers, 2015).

Over 2,500 schools across the United States now apply the PBIS supportive behavioral framework, with documented improvements in both student behavior (Bradshaw, Waasdorp, & Leaf, 2012) and achievement (Madigan, Cross, Smolkowski, & Stryker, 2016).

2. Cognitivism

Cognitivism was partly inspired by the development of computers and an information-processing model believed to be applicable to human learning (Neisser, 1967).

It also developed partly as a reaction to the perceived limits of the behaviorist model of learning, which was thought not to account for mental processes.

In cognitivism, learning occurs when information is received, arranged, held in memory, and retrieved for use.

Cognitivists are keenly interested in a neuronal or a brain-to-behavior perspective on learning and memory. Their lines of research often include studies involving functional brain imaging (e.g., functional magnetic resonance imaging) to see which brain circuits are activated during specific learning tasks.

Cognitivists are also keenly interested in “neuroplasticity,” or how learning causes new connections to be made between individual brain cells (neurons) and their broader neuronal networks.

From the cognitivist perspective, individuals are viewed as very active in the learning process, including how they organize information to make it personally meaningful and memorable.

Cognitivists, like behaviorists, believe that learning reflects an external reality, rather than shaping or constructing reality.

3. Constructivism

Constructivism holds that from childhood on, humans learn in successive stages (Piaget, 1955).

In these stages, we match our basic concepts, or “schemas,” of reality with experiences in the world and adjust our schemas accordingly.

For example, based on certain experiences as a child, you might form the schematic concept that all objects drop when you let them go. But let’s say you get a helium balloon that rises when you let go of it. You must then adjust your schema to capture this new reality that “most things drop when I let go of them, but at least one thing rises when I let go of it.”

For constructivists, there is always a subjective component to how reality is organized. From this perspective, learning cannot be said to reflect a pre-set external reality. Rather, reality is always an interplay between one’s active construction of the world and the world itself.

For example, Zysberg and Schwabsky (2020) examined the relationships between positive school culture or climate, students’ sense of self-efficacy, and academic achievement in Israeli middle and high school settings.

They found that school climate was positively associated with students’ sense of self-efficacy. Self-efficacy, in turn, was positively associated with academic achievement in math and English.

This study reflects a constructivist approach, emphasizing how students create meaning out of their educational experiences.

Other recent research has focused on behavioral interventions to support online learning, which is increasingly prevalent as an educational option.

For example, Yeomans and Reich (2017) found that sending learners regular prompts to complete online work resulted in a 29% increase in courses completed. They concluded that sending regular reminder prompts is an inexpensive and effective way to enhance online course completion.

This study reflects a proactive behaviorist approach to improving educational outcomes.

Another current research domain in educational psychology involves the use of brain imaging techniques during learning activity.

For example, Takeuchi, Mori, Suzukamo, and Izumi (2019) studied brain activity in teachers and students while teachers provided hints for solving a visual–spatial problem (assembling puzzles).

They found that the prefrontal cortex of the brain, involved in planning and monitoring of complex cognitive activities, was significantly activated in teachers, not when they planned hints to be given, but only when they actually gave the hints.

For the student participants, the prefrontal cortex was significantly activated when they had solved the puzzle with hints provided.

This study emphasizes a cognitivist approach, focused on brain activity during learning.

For cognitivists, understanding how the brain converts instructional inputs into learning can lead to improved teaching strategies and better learning outcomes.

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Educational and school psychologists overlap in their training and functions, to some extent, but also differ in important ways.

Educational psychologists are more involved in teaching and research at the college or university level. They also focus on larger and more diverse groups in their research and consulting activities.

As consultants, educational psychologists work with organizations such as school districts, militaries, or corporations in developing the best methods for instructional needs.

Some school psychologists are involved in teaching, research, and/or consulting with large groups such as a school district. However, most are more focused on working within a particular school and with individual students and their families.

About 80% of school psychologists work in public school settings and do direct interventions with individuals or small groups.

They help with testing and supporting students with special needs, helping teachers develop classroom management strategies, and engaging in individual or group counseling, which can include crisis counseling and emotional–behavioral support.

One idea central to Vygotsky’s learning theory is that of the zone of proximal development (ZPD).

The ZPD is the area between what a learner (student, adult trainee, rehabilitation patient, etc.) can already do on their own and what the learner can readily accomplish with the help of teachers or more advanced peers.

For example, a five-year-old might already know how to perform a given three-step manual task, but can they be taught to complete a four- or five-step task?

The ZPD is a zone of emerging skills, which calls for its own kind of exploration and measurement, in order to better understand a learner’s potential (Moll, 2014).

Vygotsky was also interested in the relationship between thought and language. He theorized that much of thought comprised internalized language or “inner speech.” Like Piaget, whose work he read with interest, Vygotsky came to see language as having social origins, which would then become internalized as inner speech.

In that sense, Vygotsky is often considered a (social) constructivist, where learning depends on social communication and norms. Learning thus reflects our connection to and agreement with others, more than a connection with a purely external or objective reality.

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As mentioned in the discussion of Nathaniel Gage’s theory of effective teaching, student motivation is an important component to assess and encourage.

The Who Am I Self-Reflection can help students and their teachers think about what they are good at, what significant challenges they have been confronted with, and what inspires them. This knowledge can help both teachers and students find ways to enhance motivation in specific cases.

As noted above, the cognitivist approach to educational psychology includes understanding how the brain learns by forming new connections between neurons. The Adopt A Growth Mindset activity is a simple guide to replacing fixed mindset thinking with growth statements. It can inspire adults to learn by referencing their inherent neuroplasticity.

The idea is that with enough effort and repetition, we can form new and durable connections within our brains of a positive and adaptive nature.

If you want to integrate the evidence-based principles of positive psychology into the classroom, consider this collection of 17 validated positive education exercises . Use them to enhance student engagement, resilience and wellbeing while also equipping students with valuable life skills.

The field of educational psychology has ancient roots and remains vibrant today.

Today, there are many programs across the world providing quality training in educational psychology at the master’s, doctoral, and postdoctoral levels.

According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, career opportunities in psychology will grow at a healthy rate of about 14% over this decade, and educational psychology is expected to keep pace.

In addition, job satisfaction in educational psychology and related fields such as school psychology has traditionally been high, including as it concerns social impact, independence, and compensation (Worrell, Skaggs, & Brown, 2006).

Those with a doctorate in educational psychology have potential for a broad impact on learners of any and every type. They often teach at the college or university level, conduct research and publish on various topics in the field, or consult with various organizations about the best teaching and learning methods.

Researchers in educational psychology have made important contributions to contemporary education and culture, from learning paradigms (behaviorism, cognitivism, constructionism) and the theory of multiple intelligences, to proactive school-wide positive behavioral supports.

We hope you enjoyed reading this article. Don’t forget to download our three Positive Education Exercises for free .

• Brown v. Board of Education , 347 U.S. (1954).
• Bradshaw, C. P., Waasdorp, T. E., & Leaf, P. J. (2012). Effects of school-wide positive behavioral interventions and supports on child behavior problems. Pediatrics , 130 (5), e1136–e1145.
• Clark, K., & Clark, M. (1939). The development of consciousness of self and the emergence of racial identification in Negro preschool children. Journal of Social Psychology ,  10 (4), 591–599.
• Ertmer, P. A., & Newby, T. J. (2013). Behaviorism, cognitivism, and constructivism: Comparing critical features from an instructional design perspective. Performance Improvement Quarterly , 26 (2), 43–71.
• Gardner, H. (1983). Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences . Basic Books.
• Gardner, H. (2000). The disciplined mind: Beyond facts and standardized tests, the education that every child deserves . Penguin Books.
• Grinder, R. E. (1989). Educational psychology: The master science. In M. C. Wittrock & F. Farley (Eds.), The future of educational psychology (pp. 3–18). Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
• Madigan, K., Cross, R. W., Smolkowski, K., & Stryker, L. A. (2016). Association between schoolwide positive behavioural interventions and supports and academic achievement: A 9-year evaluation. Educational Research and Evaluation , 22 (7–8), 402–421.
• Moll, L. C. (2014). L. S. Vygotsky and education . Routledge.
• Neisser, U. (1967). Cognitive psychology . Appleton-Century-Crofts.
• Piaget, J. (1955). The child’s construction of reality . Routledge & Kegan Paul.
• Simonsen, B., & Myers, D. (2015). Classwide positive behavior interventions and supports: A guide to proactive classroom management . Guilford Publications.
• Skinner, B. F. (1938). The behavior of organisms: An experimental analysis . B. F. Skinner Foundation.
• Takeuchi, N., Mori, T., Suzukamo, Y., & Izumi, S. I. (2019). Activity of prefrontal cortex in teachers and students during teaching of an insight problem. Mind, Brain, and Education , 13 , 167–175.
• Worrell, T. G., Skaggs, G. E., & Brown, M. B. (2006). School psychologists’ job satisfaction: A 22-year perspective in the USA. School Psychology International , 27 (2), 131–145.
• Yeomans, M., & Reich, J. (2017). Planning prompts increase and forecast course completion in massive open online courses. Conference: The Seventh International Learning Analytics & Knowledge Conference , pp. 464–473.
• Zysberg, L., & Schwabsky, N. (2020). School climate, academic self-efficacy and student achievement . Educational Psychology. Taylor & Francis Online.

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Enhanced “learning to learn” through a hierarchical dual-learning system: the case of action video game players

• Yu-Yan Gao   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9410-8922 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 ,
• Zeming Fang   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8091-4413 2 ,
• Qiang Zhou   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-3045-0198 4   na1 &
• Ru-Yuan Zhang   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0654-715X 1 , 2   na1  

BMC Psychology volume  12 , Article number:  460 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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In contrast to conventional cognitive training paradigms, where learning effects are specific to trained parameters, playing action video games has been shown to produce broad enhancements in many cognitive functions. These remarkable generalizations challenge the conventional theory of generalization that learned knowledge can be immediately applied to novel situations (i.e., immediate generalization). Instead, a new “learning to learn” theory has recently been proposed, suggesting that these broad generalizations are attained because action video game players (AVGPs) can quickly acquire the statistical regularities of novel tasks in order to increase the learning rate and ultimately achieve better performance. Although enhanced learning rate has been found for several tasks, it remains unclear whether AVGPs efficiently learn task statistics and use learned task knowledge to guide learning. To address this question, we tested 34 AVGPs and 36 non-video game players (NVGPs) on a cue-response associative learning task. Importantly, unlike conventional cognitive tasks with fixed task statistics, in this task, cue-response associations either remain stable or change rapidly (i.e., are volatile) in different blocks. To complete the task, participants should not only learn the lower-level cue-response associations through explicit feedback but also actively estimate the high-level task statistics (i.e., volatility) to dynamically guide lower-level learning. Such a dual learning system is modelled using a hierarchical Bayesian learning framework, and we found that AVGPs indeed quickly extract the volatility information and use the estimated higher volatility to accelerate learning of the cue-response associations. These results provide strong evidence for the “learning to learn” theory of generalization in AVGPs. Taken together, our work highlights enhanced hierarchical learning of both task statistics and cognitive abilities as a mechanism underlying the broad enhancements associated with action video game play.

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Introduction

Humans possess impressive and adaptable learning abilities, as evidenced by the rapid learning of diverse cognitive tasks and the flexible application of learned knowledge to unfamiliar scenarios. Optimizing learning and facilitating generalization has been a fundamental challenge in cognitive science. Traditional cognitive training often exhibits specificity to the training settings (tasks or parameters)–-the improvement in learning are greatly reduced in previously unseen situations [ 1 , 2 ]. If the benefits of cognitive training cannot efficiently generalize across different application situations, its real-world applicability is significantly diminished. Action video game training has been shown a unique training regime that can overcome such limitations. A large body of cognitive science research have shown that playing action video games can directly enhance a wide range of seemingly unrelated cognitive functions, such as attention [ 2 , 3 ], memory [ 4 , 5 , 6 ], perception [ 2 , 7 , 8 ], and reasoning [ 9 ]. Importantly, players are not directly trained on these specific cognitive tasks when playing action video games. Because of these astonishingly broad generalizations, action video games have also been suggested as a useful paradigm for cognitive training [ 2 ] and even for therapeutic purposes [ 10 ]. As generalization is the key for observers to learn infinite knowledge based on finite learning samples, it is of paramount importance to understand the neurocomputational mechanisms of broad generalization induced by action video game play.

Why can action video game play lead to broad generalization in stark contrast to conventional training approaches? Classic theories of learning generalization postulate that an observer generalizes learned knowledge to novel cases by inferring the common constructs between training and application situations [ 11 , 12 , 13 ]. This view assumes that, once common constructs are identified, improvement on novel tasks is immediately achievable. This classic view is often referred to as “immediate generalization” [ 14 , 15 ]. More recently, a new mechanism of generalization has been proposed, which suggests that action video game play induces broad generalizations by enabling observers to “learning to learn” [ 10 ]. In contrast to the “immediate generalization” theory, the “learning to learn” theory predicts that avid action video game players (AVGPs) can quickly capture the underlying structural knowledge of new tasks and thus accelerate learning. Faster learning (i.e., taking less time to achieve good performance) on new tasks, as a hallmark of “learning to learn”, has been found in several recent studies of action video games [ 16 ] and classical perceptual learning [ 7 , 8 , 9 ].

Although “learning to learn” is an elegant theory that can potentially explain the remarkable generalization afforded by action video game play, two issues remain unresolved. First, in addition to predicting faster learning of novel tasks, the “learning to learn” theory has two other key predictions — (1) action video game players (AVGPs) can estimate and understand task statistics more quickly and accurately, and (2) the learned task statistics can in turn guide faster learning of a task. However, the enhanced ability of AVGPs to learn the statistical structure of tasks has not been directly investigated. Second, the “learning to learn” theory also implicitly assumes that, even in an apparently simple task, a hierarchical dual learning system operates: a high-level system for learning task statistics and a lower-level system for learning appropriate responses. Previous studies only assessed observers’ learning behavior as a result of the low-level learning system. It remains unclear whether a high-level learning system exists and how it supports the lower-level response learning. To address these two questions directly, two factors should be considered. First, to demonstrate the superior ability of AVGPs to extract task statistics, we need a task with systematic variation in stimulus statistical regularities and test whether AVGPs are indeed sensitive to such variation. Second, the “learning to learn” ability should be explicitly formulated. In other words, a computational framework is needed to explicitly specify how the correct decisions emerge according to the interactions within the dual-learning system in an online fashion.

In this study, we aim to directly test the “learning to learn” theory using a volatile reversal learning task [ 17 , 18 ]. In this task, participants learn the associations between a visual cue and its corresponding response through trial-by-trial feedback. Importantly, such cue-response associations either remain stable over several trials (i.e., stable block) or change rapidly on other trials (i.e., volatile block, see Methods for details). This volatility variation allows us to assess participants’ ability to learn such task statistics, and, unlike classic learning tasks [ 19 , 20 , 21 ], such an associative learning task also allows us to explicitly estimate participants’ learning rate at both levels. Furthermore, we used the Hierarchical Gaussian Filter (HGF, [ 22 ]) to formulate the “learning to learn” process. In particular, unlike classical reinforcement learning models that only formulate the learning of cue-response associations [ 23 , 24 ], the HGF also specifies a high-level learning process of task statistics (i.e., association volatility). Importantly, changes in the lower-level cue-response associations lead to trial-by-trial updates in the high-level belief of association volatility, and the high-level estimates of association volatility in turn adjust the rate of the lower-level association learning. These bidirectional interactions between a hierarchical dual-learning systems exactly corresponds to the “learning to learn” hypothesis.

Our results show that AVGPs display higher learning rates in the volatile reversal learning task, consistent with previous studies. Most importantly, this higher learning rate is a result of an efficient representation of the association volatility, as evidenced by a higher estimate of association volatility in the AVGPs. All these results are consistent with the “learning to learn” theory of action video game play.

Materials and methods

Ethics and participants.

All experimental protocols were approved by the institutional review board of Shanghai Jiao Tong University. All research was conducted in accordance with relevant guidelines and regulations. Informed written consent was obtained from all participants.

We firstly administered the Chinese version of the Video-Game-Expertise Classification Scheme [ 25 ] to screen for action video game players (AVGPs) and non-video game players (NVGPs). Both English and Chinese versions of the video game questionnaire can be downloaded from https://www.unige.ch/fapse/brainlearning/vgq/ . The basic inclusion criteria require participants to have Chinese as a first or second language; normal or corrected-to-normal vision; no history of mental disorders; not taking significant psychiatric medications; and an age range of 18 to 40 years old. NVGPs need to meet the following criteria:(1) play first/third-person shooter, action/sports, real-time strategy/ Multiplayer Online Battle Arena (MOBA) games, or simulation games for no more than 1 h/week in the past year and the year before; (2) play any other type of games for no more than 3 h/week in the past year; (3) play any other type of games for no more than 5 h/week a year ago. AVGPs need to meet any of the following criteria:(1) play other games for no more than 3 h/week, but play action games for at least 5 h/week in the past year; (2) play action games for at least 3 h/week in the past year, with other games not exceeding 3 h/week, and play action games for at least 5 h/week a year ago; (3) play other games for no more than 3 h/week in the past year, with at least 3 h/week for action games and at least 5 h/week for sports/driving games; (4) play other games for no more than 3 h/week in the past year, with at least 3 h/week for action games and at least 5 h/week for real-time strategy/MOBA games. There exist other inclusion criteria for both groups. More detailed screening criteria can be found in the questionnaire above.

Previous studies have documented several important ingredients of AVGs that enable generalization effect, including (i) decision-making under time constraints, (ii) maintaining divided attention, and (iii) the necessity for prompt transitions between two distinct attentional states (focused and divided) [ 1 , 26 , 27 ]. These factors have also been incorporated into a number of other game genres, including sports and driving games, as well as real-time strategy and MOBA games. We thus also include these genres in the screening of AVGPs.

Based on the filtering criteria, 34 AVGPs (24 males and 10 females) and 36 NVGPs (12 males and 24 females) were recruited to participate in the formal experiment after obtaining their consents. All participants were right-handed and had normal or corrected-to-normal vision. After excluding the subjects who exhibited extreme performance (see data analysis below), data from 33 AVGPs (23 males and 10 females) and 34 NVGPs (12 males and 22 females) were included for further analysis.

Stimulus and task

This experiment was hosted on the Naodao platform ( https://www.naodao.com/ ). Participants accessed the task remotely and completed it online. They received the corresponding participant compensation after the experiment.

Both AVGPs and NVGPs performed the same volatile reversal learning task (Fig.  1 A). Each trial began with a 500 ms fixation period. A cue stimulus (i.e., a yellow or a blue window) was presented. The cue stimulus disappeared after the participant made a keypress response to predict which outcome stimulus (i.e., a cat or a dog) was more likely to appear after the cue stimulus. After the keypress response, an outcome stimulus was presented for 1000 ms. The whole experiment consists of four blocks (80 trials per block) with a total of 320 trials. In each block, the association settings between the cue and outcome stimuli were changed (Fig.  1 B).

Task design and model. A Each trial started with a fixation cross in the center of the screen. After a delay of 500 ms, a stimulus was presented on the screen. Participants were instructed to predict the animal behind the window based on the current yellow or blue window and press the ‘F’ key for a cat or the ‘J’ key for a dog. Immediate feedback and outcome stimuli were provided after each response, lasting for 1000 ms before proceeding to the next trial. B The experiment was divided into four blocks based on the probability of cue-response association: stable (trials 1–80, p  = 0.75)—volatile (trials 81–160, with a switching sequence of p values: 0.2–0.8–0.2–0.8)—stable (trials 161–240, p  = 0.25)—volatile (trials 241–320 with a switching sequence of p values: 0.8–0.2–0.8–0.2). The yellow line parallel to the x-axis represents trials in the stable blocks, the green line represents trials in the volatile blocks. In the stable blocks. the association probability remained constant within 80 trials, while in the volatile blocks, the probability changed every 20 trials. C Generative process of the HGF. \(A\) represents action; \(R\) indicates the estimated association probability between the given window cue and the corresponding animal response; \(V\) represents the estimated association volatility. \(t\) denotes each time point. \({A}_{t}\) depends on \({R}_{t-1}\) , \({V}_{t-1}\) , and parameters \(\theta\) , \({\kappa }_{2}\) , \(\omega\) . The interconnection between levels is achieved through uncertainty

Here, association is defined as the probability of a cue-response pair. For example, in the first 80 trials, the outcome stimulus cat (or dog) appeared after the cue stimulus yellow window with a probability of 0.75 (or 0.25, respectively). Similarly, the association “blue window-dog” is 0.75. The association settings changed in each block (Fig.  1 B). The key point here is that the association setting is stable (i.e., stable condition) in Block 1 (i.e., trials 1–80) and Block 3 (i.e., trials 161–240) but switches rapidly between 0.8 and 0.2 (i.e., volatile condition) in Block 2 (i.e., trials 81–160) and Block 4 (i.e., trials 241–320).

The stimulus materials for this task were created using Photoshop, and each stimulus material has a resolution of 1080 × 720. The presentation order of the stimuli was pseudorandomized and generated in MATLAB 2020a according to the number of trials in each experimental block and the four cue-response association probabilities. The presentation order of the cues within the experimental block was fixed by a predetermined shuffled order. Thus, each participant received the same stimulus sequence, allowing for a comparable learning process and model parameter estimation. The experimental procedure was developed using jsPsych-6.3.0 ( https://www.jspsych.org/6.3/ ). Participants were informed that these probabilities would change, but were not given with specific information about the four blocks and the exact values of the probabilities.

Computational modeling

The HGF [ 22 ] model is used to analyze the participants’ behavior. We plotted and compared the trial-by-trial generated data from two groups of participants. At the same time, we used t-tests to compare the parameters of the two groups of participants.

Generative model

The HGF can be understood via two distinct components: prediction and update. Briefly, this model formulates the prediction and update process in a two-level hierarchy (Fig.  2 ). The prediction (i.e., generative) process can be seen in Fig.  1 C and the left part of Fig.  2 . Specifically, the higher level of the model represents the estimated association volatility ( \(V\) ) (i.e., how quickly the cue-response associations switch), which is updated by

where \(\theta\) is a constant parameter which determines the variance of estimated association volatility (the high-level, \(V\) ). Estimated association volatility \(V\) determines the magnitude for updating the lower-level cue-response association ( \(R\) , the estimated association probability between the given window cue and the corresponding behavioral choices in the logarithmic domain).

where \({\kappa }_{2}\) is the top-down influence factor that determines the coupling strength between the association probability (the low-level, \(R\) ) and the estimated association volatility (the high-level, \(V\) ); \(\omega\) is a constant component of the association variance \(\left({\kappa }_{2}*{V}_{t}+\omega \right)\) , independent of the state of the estimated association volatility (the high-level, \(V\) ). The behavioral action \(A\) is generated by the association probability ( \(R\) ), and \(\mu\) (i.e., correct or incorrect) is the actual outcome the participant received.

where the function \(s(\cdot )\) is the sigmoid function with \({\kappa }_{1}\) as the inverse temperature. To simplify our modeling, we fixed the coupling factor controlling the influence of association probability (the low-level, \(R\) ) on action (i.e., \({\kappa }_{1}\) ) to 1 .

Overview of the HGF model. The probability at each level is determined by the previous level and parameters. Throughout the paper, we analyzed several key variables of this model. We color labeled the variables of interest and illustrate the figure number where the group differences in the variables are compared to facilitate reading

This model has three free parameters \(:\) \(\theta\) , \({\kappa }_{2}\) , and \(\omega\) .

Trial-by-trial update rule of model parameters

The detailed trial-by-trial update rule of model parameters in HGF has been documented in Mathys, et al. [ 22 ]. Furthermore, this update process is illustrated in the right part of Fig.  2 . Here we provide a short overview and an introduction of the variables and free parameters.

On the t -th trial, the action ( \({A}_{t}\) ) is determined by the actual outcome the subject received ( \({\mu }_{t}\) ), where \({\mu }_{t}\in \{\text{0,1}\}\) indicates the correct/incorrect feedback.

The update of estimated association probability ( \({R}_{t}\) ) depends on the association learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) ) and the association prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{R}\) ).

Note that the association learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) ) varies trial-by-trial and is determined by association expectation ( \({\widehat{\alpha }}_{t}^{R}\) ) and action expectation ( \({\widehat{\alpha }}_{t}^{A}\) ). The superscript \(R\) denotes the variables as the ones operating at the low-level association learning.

The association expectation ( \({\widehat{\alpha }}_{t}^{R}\) ) per se also varies trial-by-trial and is determined by the learning rate of the last trial ( \({\alpha }_{t-1}^{R}\) ) and the upper-level estimated association volatility ( \({V}_{t-1}\) ), where \({\kappa }_{2}\) and \(\omega\) are free parameters.

The action expectation ( \({\widehat{\alpha }}_{t}^{A}\) ) per se also varies trial-by-trial and is determined by the action of the last trial ( \({A}_{t-1}\) ).

the association prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{R}\) ) is given by:

The update of the estimated volatility ( \({V}_{t}\) ) depends on the volatility learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{V}\) ) and the volatility prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{V}\) ) The superscript \(V\) denotes the variables as the ones operating at the high-level volatility learning.

where the volatility learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{V}\) ) consists of three components:

Here, \({\overline{\alpha }}_{t}^{V}\) represents unweighted volatility learning rate of \(V\) and varies trial-by-trial:

where \(\theta\) is a free parameter. \({w}_{t}^{V}\) denotes a precision weighting factor.

the volatility prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{V}\) ) is given by:

In summary, the estimated free parameters for each participant are \({\kappa }_{2}\) , \(\omega\) , and \(\theta\) . The variables with subscript “ t ” change from trial to trial, and the three free parameters without subscript “ t ” are fixed values that hold for all trials.

The analysis was performed using the HGF toolbox in MATLAB ( https://translationalneuromodeling.github.io/tapas ). The tapas_fitModel function was used to iteratively fit the model 100 times for each participant, using the Maximum A Posteriori (MAP) method for parameter estimation. Configuration settings, facilitated by functions such as tapas_hgf_binary_config , tapas_unitsq_sgm_config ,and tapas_quasinewton_optim_config , were used to set prior ranges for the parameters. The ranges of priors for the parameters to be fitted are as follows: top-down factor \(\text{log}\left({\kappa }_{2}\right)\sim \mathcal{N}\left(\text{log}\left(1\right), 4\right)\) ; association constant uncertainty \(\omega \sim \mathcal{N}\left(-3, 16\right)\) ; volatility constant uncertainty \(\text{log}(\theta )\sim \mathcal{N}\left(-6, 16\right)\) . All other parameters involved in the code, including their ranges and initial values, follow the default settings in the toolbox.

Statistical analysis

Linear mixed model analysis was performed in JASP 0.18.1.0 ( https://jasp-stats.org/ ), and all multiple comparisons were corrected using the Holm correction in JASP. All t-tests were performed using the Pingouin package in Python and were all two-tailed. In this experiment, participants with an average association learning rate exceeding (or fall below) the mean plus (or minus) two standard deviations of the overall sample were excluded. A total of 4 participants met these criteria. 33 AVGPs and 34 NVGPs were included in the reported results.

Superior low-level learning rate of cue-response associations in AVGPs

Participants performed a volatile reversal learning task (Fig.  1 A). On each trial, a fixation was shown for 500 ms and followed by a cue stimulus (i.e., a yellow window or a blue window). Participants were asked to predict the subsequent outcome stimulus (i.e., a cat or a dog) associated with the cue. Following a keypress response, an outcome stimulus was presented for 1000 ms as feedback. The two cue stimuli and the two outcome stimuli were paired. For example, within a stable block, the cat (or dog) appeared after the yellow window (or blue) window in 75% (or 25%, respectively) of the trials. Such cue-response associations varied across blocks. Importantly, the task statistic is defined as the changing rate of such cue-response associations (i.e., volatility). In particular, in the two stable blocks (Block 1, trials 1–80; Block 3, trials 161–240), the cue-response association settings remained constant. In contrast, in the two volatile blocks (Block 2, trials 81–160; Block 4, trials 241–320), the cue-response associations switched between 0.8 and 0.2 every 20 trials. The key question here is whether participants can learn the stability and volatility of the associations and use this information to guide their learning. Followed by the conventional approach [ 17 , 28 ], we directly fitted computational models (see below) to represent participants’ learning process in this task.

We first asked whether we could replicate the finding that AVGPs learn a novel task faster than NVGPs [ 7 , 10 , 16 , 29 ]. Unlike the conventional reinforcement learning approach that estimates a single learning rate parameter throughout the task [ 30 , 31 ], HGF assumes that participants’ learning rate also varies from trial to trial based on updated beliefs about the task statistics (i.e., volatility). In this task, participants learned the cue-response associations. The trial-by-trial association learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) , Eqs. 6 – 8 ) in both groups is plotted as a function of trials in Fig.  3 A.

Comparison of association learning rate between two groups. A The log association learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) , Eqs. 7 , 8 , 9 ) required for updating the estimated association probability for each participant. The x-axis represents the trial sequence ( t ), and the y-axis illustrates participants’ log association learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) ). The red line represents AVGPs, and the blue line represents NVGPs. The shaded area represents S.E.M across all participants within each group (33 AVGPs, 34 NVGPs). Significance symbol conventions is **: p  < 0.01. B Two groups’ association prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{R}\) , Eqs. 6 & 10 ) across trials. The x-axis represents the trial sequence ( t ), the y-axis illustrates association prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{R}\) ). Significance symbol convention is n.s.: non-significant

A linear mixed model (LMM) was built in JASP with Trial as a random effect factor, Group (AVGPs/NVGPs) as a fixed effect factor, Log Association Learning Rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) , Eqs.7–9) in each trial as the dependent variable. We found that the effect of Group is significant, indicating the overall higher learning rate of the AVGPs than that of the NVGPs ( t (21119 )  = 2.852, p  = 0.004, Estimate  = 0.055, SE  = 0.019, CI  = [0.017, 0.093]). In summary, Fig.  3 A shows that the AVGPs indeed had a generally higher learning rate than the NVGPs, although the learning rate in both groups varied from trial to trial in both groups.

Because the trial-by-trial update of the association probability ( \({\Delta R}_{t}\) , Eq.  6 ) is determined by both association learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) ) and association prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{R}\) , Eqs. 6 & 10 ), we also analyzed the association prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{R}\) ) in both groups and plotted them as a function of trials in Fig.  3 B. A LMM was performed with the Association Prediction Errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{R}\) ) as the dependent variable; Group (AVGPs/NVGPs) as a fixed effect factor and Trial as a random effect factor. We found no significant effect of Group ( t (21119)  = -0.036, p  = 0.971, Estimate  = -0.001, SE  = 0.002, CI  = [-0.003, 0.003]), suggesting the superior learning in AVGPs is mostly due to the association learning rate rather than association prediction errors.

Higher low-level learning rate in AVGPs is due to high-level association volatility

We have confirmed the overall higher association learning rate in AVGPs. A higher association learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) ) leads to a larger update ( \({\Delta R}_{t}\) ) of the estimated association probability. But how did AVGPs develop an overall higher association learning rate in the volatile reversal task? The key aspect of the HGF is that association learning rate is determined by association variance in the last trial ( \({\kappa }_{2}*{V}_{t-1}+\omega\) ), which is further controlled by high-level volatility \({V}_{t-1}\) in the last trial (Eqs. 7 – 9 ). Here, we examine whether higher association variance leading to an increased association learning rate in the AVGPs.

A LMM was performed with Association variance ( \({\kappa }_{2}*{V}_{t}+\omega\) ) as the dependent variable; Group (AVGPs/NVGPs) as a fixed effect factor and Trial as a random effect factor. We found that the effect of the Group was significant, indicating overall greater association variance of AVGPs compared to NVGPs ( t (21119)  = 2.516, p  = 0.012, Estimate  = 0.100, SE  = 0.040, CI  = [0.022, 0.179], Fig.  4 A). For completeness, in addition to the association variance ( \({\kappa }_{2}*{V}_{t}+\omega\) ) and the association learning rate from the previous trial ( \({\alpha }_{t-1}^{R}\) ), we also compared action expectation ( \({\widehat{\alpha }}_{t}^{A}\) , Eqs. 6 & 7 ) that contribute to the update of association learning rate (Eq.  7 ). We found no significant effect of Group ( t (21119)  = -0.071, p  = 0.944, Estimate  = -0.001, SE  = 0.005, CI  = [-0.010, 0.009]) . This suggests that the higher association learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) ) observed in AVGPs is likely due to their overall higher association variance ( \({\kappa }_{2}*{V}_{t}+\omega\) ).

Association variance and estimated association volatility in two groups. A Participants’ association variance ( \({\kappa }_{2}*{V}_{t}+\omega\) ) across trials. The x-axis represents the trial sequence ( t ), and the y-axis illustrates participants’ association variance ( \({\kappa }_{2}*{V}_{t}+\omega\) ). The red line represents AVGPs, and the blue line represents NVGPs. The shaded area represents S.E.M across all participants within each group (33 AVGPs, 34 NVGPs). Significance symbol conventions is *: p  < 0.05. B Participants’ estimated log association volatility ( \({V}_{t}\) ) across trials. The x-axis represents the trial sequence ( t ), and the y-axis illustrates participants’ estimated association volatility ( \({V}_{t}\) ). The y-axis is plotted on a logarithmic scale. The red line represents AVGPs, and the blue line represents NVGPs. Significance symbol conventions is ***: p  < 0.001

The association variance ( \({\kappa }_{2}*{V}_{t}+\omega\) ) is determined by the linear addition of two components: a top-down component ( \({\kappa }_{2}*{V}_{t}\) ) and a constant component ( \(\omega\) ). The top-down component indicates that a higher estimated association volatility ( \({V}_{t}\) ) leads to a larger update of the association learning rate, where \({\kappa }_{2}\) is the top-down coupling factor. The constant step indicates the default magnitude of the update in the subject. Note that the top-down factor \({\kappa }_{2}\) and the association constant step \(\omega\) are considered as traits of each subject and are fixed across trials, while the high-level estimated association volatility \({V}_{t}\) varied across trials.

Next, we sought to understand which factor of association variance contributed most to the increased association learning rate. There were no significant differences in both \({\kappa }_{2}\) ( t (58.569)  = -0.236, p  = 0.814, Cohen’s d  = 0.058, CI  = [-0.320, 0.250]) and \(\omega\) ( t (64.677)  = -0.597, p  = 0.552, Cohen’s d  = 0.146, CI  = [-1.740, 0.940]). A LMM was performed with Estimated Association Volatility ( \({V}_{t}\) ) in each trial as the dependent variable, Group (AVGPs/NVGPs), Block Type (stable/volatile), and their interaction as the fixed effect factors, and Trial as a random effect factor. The “learning to learn” theory predicts that AVGPs should be more sensitive to task statistics (i.e., volatility). Indeed, we found that AVGPs estimated higher association volatility than NVGPs ( t (21116)  = 8.453, p  < 0.001, Estimate  = 0.073, SE  = 0.009, CI  = [0.056, 0.090]). Post-hoc pairwise comparisons revealed that AVGPs had significantly higher estimated association volatility ( \({V}_{t}\) ) than NVGPs in the second stable block(stable block 2, t (211116)  = 3.737, p  < 0.001, Estimate  = 0.016, SE  = 0.004, CI  = [0.008, 0.025]) and two volatile blocks (volatile block 1, t (21116)  = 2.378, p  = 0.017, Estimate  = 0.010, SE  = 0.004, CI  = [0.002, 0.019]; volatile block 2, ( t (21116)  = 11.1778, p  < 0.001, Estimate  = 0.048, SE  = 0.004, CI  = [0.040, 0.057]) but not in the first stable block (stable block 1, t (21116)  = -0.387, p  = 0.698, Estimate  = -0.002, SE  = 0.004, CI  = [-0.011, 0.007], Fig.  4 B). This may be because the first block was a stable block. These results show that the AVGPs can detect relatively higher association volatility ( \({V}_{t}\) ) as the task proceeds and then produce a greater trial-by-trial update of the association learning rate, resulting in faster learning of low-level associations. This process is consistent with the “learning to learn” theory that AVGPs can quickly adapt to ever-changing task environments.

Furthermore, we found that the estimated association volatility \({V}_{t}\) during the volatile blocks was significantly higher than that during the stable blocks in both groups ( t (316.125)  = 19.862, p  < 0.001, Estimate  = 0.183, SE  = 0.009, CI  = [0.164, 0.201]). This result indicates that both groups can indeed recognize the different levels of volatility of the task. This is also consistent with the well-established theory in reinforcement learning that an agent should relatively increase learning rate in a volatile reward environment [ 32 ].

Superior high-level learning rate of tasks statistics in AVGPs

The above results suggest that AVGPs subjectively experience a higher high-level association volatility ( \({V}_{t}\) ) and use this information to increase the low-level association learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{R}\) ). Here, we further asked how AVGPs learn the task statistics and obtain the higher association volatility. Again, we examined the volatility learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{V}\) , Eq.  12 ), which indicates how quickly the association volatility ( \({V}_{t}\) ) evolves across trials. The volatility learning rate is plotted as a function of trials in Fig.  5 A. A LMM was performed with Log Volatility Learning Rate as the dependent variable; Group (AVGPs/NVGPs) as a fixed effect factor and Trial as a random effect factor. We found that the volatility learning rate of AVGPs consistently exceeded that of NVGPs’ ( t (211119)  = 3.995, p  < 0.001, Estimate  = 0.081, SE  = 0.020, CI  = [0.041, 0.120]).

Volatility learning in two groups. A The log volatility learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{V}\) ) over all trials of the two groups. The x-axis represents the trial sequence, and the y-axis reflects the volatility learning rate. The red line represents the AVGPs, and the blue line represents the NVGPs. The shaded area represents S.E.M across all participants within each group (33 AVGPs, 34 NVGPs). Significance symbol conventions is ***: p  < 0.001. B The unweighted volatility learning rate ( \({\overline{\alpha }}_{t}^{V}\) ) of the two groups across trials. The y-axis is plotted on a logarithmic scale. C The precision weighting factor ( \({w}_{t}^{V}\) ) of the association prediction errors of the two groups across trials. Significance symbol conventions is *: p  < 0.005. D the volatility prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{V}\) ) of the two groups across trials. Significance symbol convention is n.s.: non-significant

It was mentioned earlier that an advantage of the HGF model over traditional reinforcement learning models is that the precision-weighted learning rates (including the association learning rate and the volatility learning rate) in HGF can vary from trial to trial, allowing more flexible adaptation of individual beliefs to volatilities. According to the HGF model (Eq.  12 , \({\alpha }_{t}^{V}={\overline{\alpha }}_{t}^{V}*\frac{{\kappa }_{2}}{2}*{w}_{t}^{V}\) ), the volatility learning rate ( \({\alpha }_{t}^{V}\) ) is determined by three factors: the unweighted volatility learning rate \({\overline{\alpha }}_{t}^{V}\) (see Eq.  13 ), the top-down factor \({\kappa }_{2}\) introduced above, and the precision weighting factor ( \({w}_{t}^{V}\) , Eq.  14 ) of the volatility prediction errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{V}\) Eq.  16 ). Note that \({\overline{\alpha }}_{t}^{V}\) and \({w}_{t}^{V}\) varied from trial to trial but \({\kappa }_{2}\) is a fixed value in each subject.

The trial-by-trial unweighted volatility learning rate, precision weighting factor, and volatility prediction errors are plotted as function of trials in Fig.  5 B-D. Three LMMs were performed with Unweighted Volatility Learning Rate ( \({\overline{\alpha }}_{t}^{V}\) ), Precision Weighting Factor ( \({w}_{t}^{V}\) ), and Volatility Prediction Errors ( \({PE}_{t}^{V}\) ) as the dependent variables; Group (AVGPs/NVGPs) as the fixed effect factor and Trial as a random effect factor. We found that AVGPs had an overall higher unweighted learning rate ( t (21119)  = 5.142, p  < 0.001, Estimate  = 0.219, SE  = 0.043, CI  = [0.136, 0.303]) and an overall higher precision weighting ( t (21119)  = 2.459, p  = 0.014, Estimate  = 0.048, SE  = 0.020, CI  = [0.010, 0.087]) than NVGPs. However, there was no group difference on the volatility prediction errors ( t (21119)  = -0.767, p  = 0.443, Estimate  = -0.003, SE  = 0.004, CI  = [-0.010, 0.005]).

Taken together, we found that AVGPs can perceive higher association volatility because they can learn volatility per se faster (i.e., higher volatility learning rate) rather than because of higher volatility prediction errors. This higher volatility learning rate is augmented by more optimal uncertainty processing (i.e., higher precision weighting factor).

The theory of “learning to learn” has recently been proposed as a novel mechanism of learning generalization [ 10 ], in particular the broad cross-task generalizations found in avid AVGPs. In this study, we proposed that enhanced “learning to learn” in AVGPs is achieved by an improved hierarchical dual learning system that takes into account both low-level cue-response associations and high-level task statistics (i.e., volatility). 34 AVGPs and 36 NVGPs completed a volatile reversal learning task in which participants should learn both cue-response associations and the temporal volatility of these associations (i.e., task statistics). We used Hierarchical Gaussian Filter (HGF) to quantify both low-level association learning and high-level volatility learning in the two groups and made three main observations. First, consistent with “learning to learn” and previous results, we found that AVGPs indeed exhibit a higher low-level learning rate of cue-response associations. Second, the higher low-level learning rate of associations is primarily driven by a higher high-level volatility on a trial-by-trial basis. Third, we further investigated the evolution of estimated volatility and found that the high-level learning rate of volatility per se is also higher in the AVGP group. These results strongly support the “learning to learn” theory of action video game play and show that AVGPs can quickly learn the intrinsic statistics of novel tasks and use the learned task knowledge to guide low-level learning of correct responses. Our work sheds new light on generalization in action video games and, more broadly, on cognitive training in general.

Two aspects of “learning to learn”

“Learning to learn” has two key components—enhanced learning rate and multi-level hierarchical learning.

Within the framework of “learning to learn”, enhanced learning rate in novel tasks is a new form of learning generalization. The classical theory of learning generalization posits that observers immediately and directly generalize what they have learned by inferring the shared constructs of the trained and generalization task contexts. This classical view is often referred to as immediate generalization [ 14 , 15 ]. However, immediate generalization highly depends on the recognition of shared constructs between training and generalization. This means that learned experience may be limited to some specific task components. In contrast, the “learning to learn” theory emphasizes the general ability to quickly acquire task statistics and facilitate learning in real time [ 7 , 10 , 16 ]. Most importantly, this “learning to learn” ability should not be specific to a particular task component and thus has the potential to produce broad generalizations across different types of tasks. This new form of generalization has recently been discovered in sequential perceptual learning [ 33 ] and has also been proposed to underlie broad generalization associated with action video game play [ 10 , 34 ]. Both cross-sectional and intervention studies have identified the increased learning rate, as a hallmark of “learning to learn”, associated with action video game play in perceptual [ 7 , 16 ], cognitive [ 16 ], and motor learning tasks [ 35 ].

“Learning to learn” also proposes that high-level statistical learning of task structure is the underlying mechanism for increasing learning rate. Hierarchical learning allows individuals to flexibly adjust their learning rates in response to changing environments. The environments we face are often filled with different types of uncertainty [ 17 , 36 ], such as uncertainty about how an reward is obtained and uncertainty about how tasks may evolve. A lack of flexibility in responding to environmental changes is likely to be associated with psychiatric disorders, such as social anxiety disorder and major depressive disorder [ 37 , 38 ]. Traditional reinforcement learning often assumes that the learning rate is a fixed property of an agent [ 39 ]. This means that an agent has the same learning rate across throughout the task, which is obviously suboptimal and inflexible [ 40 , 41 ]. A better approach is to adjust the learning rate according to task statistics. For example, if the task statistics (e.g., the probabilistic mapping between action and reward) change rapidly, an agent needs to increase the learning rate to adapt quickly to the changes. However, if this task statistics are stable, individuals should decrease the learning rate to avoid overfitting to noise [ 36 , 42 , 43 ]. In other words, the hierarchical form of “learning to learn” allows an agent to flexibly adjust learning speed accordingly in different tasks.

The underlying mechanisms associated with enhanced “learning to learn” in AVGPs

We speculate that several unique characteristics of action video games may be the reasons.

First, the fast pace of action video games may lead to superior cognitive functions. Fast-paced games require players to switch quickly between different scenarios or tasks [ 10 , 26 ]. Several studies have shown that AVGPs have greater task switching abilities [ 34 , 44 , 45 , 46 ]. Given limited cognitive resources [ 47 , 48 ], the reduced cognitive cost of task switching allows AVGPs to allocate more cognitive resources to hierarchical learning, leading to better “learning to learn”. The fast pace of action video games also requires players to simultaneously track and store multiple rapid processes and predict future game events in real time. For example, in a first-person shooting game (i.e., Overwatch), a player must quickly determine where other players have previously attacked and predict their possible current and next locations. Training to track and store information is associated with improved working memory in AVGPs [ 49 , 50 ]. Improved working memory allows players to retain task statistics during sequential tasks and respond more quickly and accurately.

Second, the complex spatial environments of action video games promote perceptual sensitivity. Action video games tend to contain highly complex and realistic spatial environments, and this is associated with increased perceptual sensitivity to external sensory events [ 51 ]. Enhanced perceptual sensitivity allows AVGPs to quickly and accurately detect real-time fluctuations or changes in new tasks, thereby improving “learning to learn”.

However, this is a cross-sectional study, and we cannot exclude the possibility that the people with enhanced “learning to learn’ are more attracted by action video games such that they are related. Researchers [ 52 , 53 ] postulated that the capacity to make multilevel predictions and to learn from uncertainties that emerge during gameplay will facilitate the expeditious and efficacious reduction of prediction errors in game scenarios. This will enable players to “feel good” and, as a result, select and persist with such games.

Neural mechanisms underlying enhanced “learning to learn”

What are the neural mechanisms underlying enhanced “learning to learn”? Previous studies have shown that hierarchical learning exist in the human brain. Existing studies have focused on the neural mechanisms associated with different levels of learning rates and prediction errors (PEs). A study combining HGF modeling with electroencephalogram (EEG) found that beta power in the sensorimotor cortex is negatively correlated with volatility learning rate before action execution and positively correlated with association learning rate after action execution [ 54 ]. Another EEG study found that the P300 response in the frontal and central scalp regions is positively correlated with the absolute values of low-level PEs and negatively correlated with high-level PEs [ 43 ]. In other words, beta power in sensorimotor cortex and P300 responses in the frontal and central scalp may serve as neural markers of hierarchical learning. In this study, we found both increased volatile and association learning rate. Our results predict that enhanced “learning to learn” may produce a weaker and stronger beta wave in sensorimotor cortex before and after action execution. Interestingly, these predictions are consistent with two recent EEG studies of AVGPs. In the two EEG studies, the researchers did not find the changes in beta wave power in the frontal lobes before and after movement but found that the variation of beta-wave power is greater before and after action execution in AVGPs [ 55 ]. In addition, beta wave power has been shown to increase significantly during high-intensity action video game activities [ 56 ]. Our findings also predict a stronger P300 response in the frontal and central scalp regions associated with enhanced “learning to learn”. This prediction is consistent with a recent EEG study that identified a greater amplitude of the task-evoked P300 component in AVGPs [ 57 ].

Corresponding brain regions for learning rate-weighted prediction errors at different levels demonstrated in the previous studies [ 58 , 59 ]

The studies combining HGF modeling with functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) have shown that low-level PEs are encoded in dopamine-related regions of the midbrain, including the ventral tegmental area (VTA) and substantia nigra (SN). These regions have been shown to regulate dopamine release [ 60 , 61 , 62 ]. In contrast, high-level PEs are encoded in the basal forebrain, which regulates acetylcholine release [ 58 , 59 ]. These results predict stronger activities in the midbrain VTA and SN (Fig. 6 ). These predictions are consistent with several recent fMRI studies of AVGPs. One fMRI study found stronger activation of reward-related midbrain structures in AVGPs [ 63 ]. Another longitudinal fMRI study showed that action video games can increase functional connectivity within the basal ganglia [ 64 ]. Similarly, some fMRI studies have found elevated activity in the striatum, as part of the basal forebrain, of AVGPs [ 65 , 66 ]. All of these studies suggest that enhanced “learning to learn” is likely to be associated with stronger activation or inhibition in the midbrain and basal forebrain.

In conclusion, this study employed a Hierarchical Gaussian Filter (HGF) model to test 34 AVGPs and 36 NVGPs in a volatile reversal learning task. The results of the study demonstrate that AVGPs indeed rapidly extract volatility information and utilize the estimated higher volatility to accelerate learning of cue-response associations. These findings provide strong evidence for the “learning to learn” theory of generalization in AVGPs.

Availability of data and materials

The source code of Hierarchical Gaussian Filter (HGF) can be downloaded from https://translationalneuromodeling.github.io/tapas . The HGF task and data for each group of subjects, as well as the code used for analysis and plotting, can be downloaded from https://osf.io/sk82r/ .

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Acknowledgements

The authors thank the participants for their support to this study.

This works was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (32100901) and Natural Science Foundation of Shanghai (21ZR1434700) to R-Y.Z.

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Yu-Yan Gao, Zeming Fang & Ru-Yuan Zhang

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R-Y.Z. and Y.G. conceived and designed the study. Y.G. prepared the computer program for the Behavioral task and collected the data. Y.G. and Z.F. analyzed the data. Y.G. wrote the first draft of the manuscript. R-Y.Z., Y.G., Q.Z., and Z.F. revised the manuscript.

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Gao, YY., Fang, Z., Zhou, Q. et al. Enhanced “learning to learn” through a hierarchical dual-learning system: the case of action video game players. BMC Psychol 12 , 460 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-024-01952-x

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Assessment Survey and evaluation of LGBT-Psychology in Nigeria: current state and recommendations

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• Abayomi O. Olaseni   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0209-1407 1 &
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There is no gainsaying that individuals with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities are faced with serious socio-legal, and medical discrimination following the enactment of anti-homosexuality law in Nigeria. However, not much is known of the effort of an organized body of psychology in the country to ensure adequate knowledge and competence among Nigerian psychologists. This article, therefore, appraises the stance of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) psychology in Nigeria in relation to the cardinal quadrants: Advocacy, Education, Research, and Practice. A multi-method design was adopted to sort for both primary and secondary data. Purposive sampling was adopted to involve 124 practicing psychologists. Findings revealed that the Nigerian psychology curriculum limits its scope to sexual and gender disorders (sexual dysfunction, gender dysphoria, and paraphilic disorders) while missing out on sexual and gender diversity content. Furthermore, the outcome shows that not much is documented on the contribution of the field of psychology to the knowledge of LGBT. Many of the participants had a history (and still) working with LGBT clients and did not have formal LGBT-affirmative training. The study concluded that the integration of LGBT psychology is essential for significant achievement in the space of advocacy, education, research, and professional practices.

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Introduction

The psychology profession has numerous sub-fields albeit course contents bore into existence to excavate and further deepen the area of concern or interests. One of the most emerging course contents in psychology is the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT Footnote 1 ) psychology. LGBT psychology is a sub-field of psychology developed to research the scientific understanding surrounding the lives and teach a diverse range of psychological and social perspectives of persons with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities (Balsam et al., 2005 ). However, it is important to note that the emergence of LGBT psychology was accompanied by a series of historical global events.

Historically (before the 1950s), sexually and gender diverse (SGD) persons and communities remained targets of hate violence and backlash from privileged heterosexual persons throughout the world; such that victims were regarded as sick and criminals, and not the perpetrators of violence against the SGD populations. Throughout the 50s and 60s, SGD persons and communities continued to be at risk of psychiatric institutionalization, as well as criminal incarceration, and predisposed to other social consequences, such as losing jobs, and child custody, among others (Glassgold et al., 2007 ). Arguably, the breakthrough into the understanding of SGD people and communities started with the submissions of the article titled “The Homosexual in America” by Donald Webster Cory (Pseudo name for Edward Sagarin) in 1951, which paved the way for further scientific research, understanding, and attitudinal change in the United States of America (USA; Sagarin, 1971 ).

Thereafter, research interest began to grow significantly among the populations. In 1956, Evelyn Hooker won a grant from the National Institute of Mental Health to study the psychology of gay men (Hooker, 1956 ). Many scholars across the globe began to expand their niche research interests at that time (Ardila, 2015 ; Hookers, 1956 ). Domination of similar scientifically proven outcomes was reported across different studies, which culminated in the ordination of the first out-gay ministers by the United Church of Christ in 1972; the formation of Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG) in the same year; explosion of political actions through the establishment of National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, the Human Rights Campaign; and the election of openly gay and lesbian representatives into the political space (De Waal & Manion, 2006 ; Hooker, 1956 ).

History and responses to LGBT psychology differ from country to country, and there is no exception to Nigerian history. However, the historical processes and attitudes toward same-sexuality and gender diversity are almost the same across countries (Ardila, 2015 ). The current study assessed the historical events of the Nigerian LGBT in tandem with the reports from a Western country (i.e., the USA) and an African country (i.e., South Africa). Below is the historical timelines across the three countries.

Historically, 1950s, 1980s, and 2000s were considered the era of a dark age for SGD persons living in the USA, South Africa, and Nigeria, respectively. In this context, a dark age is characterized by the absence of scientific inquiry about the phenomenon of discussion. At that time, the understanding and knowledge about the SGD populations were informed by religion, socio-cultural, and subjective rational thoughts. Historically, in the case of Nigeria, the dark era started when the Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act (SSMPA) of 2013 was signed into law in 2014 (Human Rights Watch, 2016; Thoreson & Cook, 2011 ).

The Renaissance period is a period after the Dark Ages, that is characterized by classical sort of knowledge and findings that are scientifically rooted (Copenhaver, 1992 ). The Renaissance period in the USA was contextualized as a post-publication of the finding of Donald Webster (1951) and Evelyn Hooker ( 1956 ). In South Africa, the Renaissance period was ascribed to when the first LGBT + Civil Society Organization (CSO) was established, which involved the initiatives of some pioneering psychologists and volunteers in Cape Town and Johannesburg (De Waal & Manion, 2006 ; Hoad et al., 2005 ; Reddy et al., 2009 ). In Nigeria, several CSOs and Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) were established to stimulate, educate, and further deepen the rights of the SGD populations in the country. In 2017 for example, a significant increase was reported in heterosexual dispositions toward SGD persons and communities compared to the 2015 survey polls, such that a 07% and 39% opinion increase was reported in the acceptance of SGD communities, and access to basic (healthcare, education, and housing) amenities, respectively (Olamide, 2018 ).

The liberation phase in the USA continued until 1973 when the American Psychiatric Association removed homosexuality as an “illness” classification in its diagnostic manual. Likewise, the American Psychological Association in 1987 published a major revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)-III, where the “ego-dystonic homosexuality” classification was removed. Therefore, most organized bodies of the psychology profession have begun to mobilize support, and sensitization (workshops) for the rationale of the removal of diverse sexual orientations as a disorder. Similarly, the South African government in 2016 acknowledged and signed that LGBT + equality rights, which afforded the country global recognition for its progressive constitution that was the first to include non-discrimination based on diverse sexual orientations in the African continent and fifth in the world (Hoad et al., 2005 ; Judge et al., 2008 ; Nel, 2014 ; Republic of South Africa, 1996). Nigeria seems stuck at the renaissance stage, and not much is documented about the efforts of the organized body of psychology, which explains the persistent problems and challenges confronting the SGD persons and communities to date (Human Rights Watch, 2016).

In Nigeria, there is ambivalence in the global position of an organized body of the psychology profession and the sociopolitical stance. Table 1 below shows the summary of the current social and legal context and the roles of organized institutions.

The Nigerian government passed the anti-homosexuality law on January 7, 2014. The same-sex marriage (prohibition) bill signed into law criminalizes any form of civil union between persons of the same sex, punishable under the law (Okuefuna, 2016 ). The law stipulated that persons engaged in same-sex acts in the country are liable for being imprisoned for 14 years. The law also criminalizes any form of support to persons of diverse sexual orientations. The offense is punishable under the law with 10 years of imprisonment. Similarly, an anti-homosexuality law was earlier adopted in 1999 by twelve northern states (Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Niger, Sokoto, Yobe, and Zamfara) of Nigeria under the auspice of the Sharia law. The adoption of the Islamic legal systems by the 12 Northern States is a legacy punishment for offenders of the same sexuality among the Muslims in the region.

However, the position of the organized body of psychology and psychiatry posited that people with diverse sexual orientations do not suffer from mental health problems (depathologization) but are minority groups that require support (APA, 2010 : 2016 ; Hooker, 2006). The position of depathologization was reflected in the universally accepted manuals of practice in psychology and psychiatry professions, that is, the DSM-5, and the International Classification of Diseases 10th Revision (ICD-10).

The anti-homosexuality law and the Sharia law were reported to have culminated in various social problems for people with diverse sexual orientations in the country (Human Rights Watch, 2016; Thoreson & Cook, 2011 ). ). The passage of the anti-homosexuality law was immediately followed by legitimized extortions and extensive media reports of high levels of violence, including mob attacks (Human Rights Watch, 2016; Thoreson & Cook, 2011 ). Sexual assaults have also been reported to be on the increase (Adie, 2019 ; Giwa et al., 2020 ).

No formal information is known about the activities of the organized body of psychology in the increase of awareness and provision of affirmative practices that conform to international standards. However, some NGOs in the country provide medical, psychological, and social services to people with diverse sexual orientations. For instance, Diadem Consults, as an NGO provides HIV and healthcare support to SGD persons. Numerous NGOs, such as the Outright Action International, and The Initiative for Equal Rights provide psychosocial support to SGD persons in Nigeria. The proposed imminent solution to the identified gap is the institutionalization of LGBT psychology.

The field of behavioural sciences (such as psychiatry and psychology) is saddled with the core responsibilities of scientifically determining what is normal and abnormal, what is adaptive and maladaptive in fairness to humanity (Glassgold & Drescher, 2007 ). Non-implementation of LGBT Psychology and affirmative practices for professionals in the academic and practice, respectively, contributes significantly to the pathologization, criminalization, and greater stigma experienced by the SGD communities (Matza et al., 2015 ). Knowledge of LGBT psychology is expected not only to advance human rights and development but also to provide means for ensuring and maintaining the mental health of people with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities.

Organized bodies of psychology domiciled in advanced countries have expanded the psychology curriculum that speaks to the reality of complexes in sexuality and gender nonconforming. The understanding and topics around sexualities and gender identities are core to the discipline of psychology, so every psychologist-in-training is saddled with the responsibilities of understanding what sexuality or gender identities are considered adaptive and maladaptive and the psychological rationale of its various classifications. Core to the ethics of the psychology discipline is the well-being of people and groups and the alienation of threats to human well-being (Ardila, 2015 ; Glassgold & Drescher, 2007 ). A large body of research suggests that mental health concerns are common among LGB individuals and often exceed the prevalence rates of the general population (King et al., 2017; World Health Organization [WHO], 2013 ). LGBT + people experience high rates of physical victimization, criminalization, and social exclusion, which appear to contribute to depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation (Horne et al., 2009 ).

The ambivalent concept of ‘depathologization’ of the same sexuality in the most adopted diagnostic manual in the field of psychology (DSM-5; in Nigeria) and ‘criminalization’ of sexual minorities by the Nigerian government created significant gaps in the teaching curriculum and practice of specialists within the field of behavioral sciences (psychiatry, psychology, etc.). Hence, there is a need for an updated training curriculum, and competent professionals to address numerous intrapsychic factors, such as depression, anxiety, internalized homophobia, and social challenges, such as; victimization/bullying/Hate speech, discrimination, sexual assaults and abuse confronting the LGBT + persons and communities (Adie, 2019 ; Giwa et al., 2020 ; Makanjuola et al., 2018 ; Ogunbanjo et al., 2020).

Theoretical framework

This research is informed by the concepts of the Minority Stress Model (MSM: Meyer, 2003 ). The Minority Stress Model is fast becoming one of the most prominent theoretical and explanatory frameworks of SGD persons and communities. The concept of minority stress derives from several psychosocial theoretical directions, resulting in conflicts between minorities and dominant values, and the social environment experienced by members of minority groups (Meyer, 1995 ). The minority stress theory is that the differences between sexually and gender-diverse individuals and communities can be largely explained by stressors caused by hostile, homo-, bi, and transphobic cultures, often leading to lifelong harassment, abuse, discrimination, and harm (Meyer, 2003 ) and may ultimately affect quadrants of LGBT-Psychology (curriculum, research, outreach, & affirmative knowledge).

There is overwhelming evidence of increased mental health concerns among SGD people and communities, yet there are limited competent mental health providers to meet mental health needs (King et al., 2017; Nel & Victor, 2018; WHO, 2013 ). However, despite the passage of the anti-homosexuality law in 2014 putting pressure on the activities of the non-academic actors, some NGOs have documented much progress in terms of sensitization and provision of medical and psychosocial support, while not much is documented about the activities of the academic actors. The major course designated to bridge the gap in developed (and some developing) countries is LGBT psychology, designed to reconcile the gap between fallible social knowledge and scientific findings.

Clarke et al. ( 2010 ) shed more light on the understanding and contents of LGBT psychology for trainees in the field of behavioural science. Clarke et al. ( 2010 ) identified the following outlines [1] understanding the branch of psychology that is affirmative of LGBT people, [2] understanding the challenge of prejudice and discrimination faced by LGBT people, [3] the privilege of heterosexuality in psychology, and in the broader society, [4] LGBT concerns as legitimate contents in psychological research, 5) provision of a range of psychological perspectives on the lives and experiences of LGBT people, sexualities,, and genders. The perspectives of Clarke et al. (2010) account for both the practice and research gaps in LGBT psychology in Nigeria. The field of psychology and psychiatry housed the reserved right of society and science to define what is abnormal and normal with a sense of fairness, both within and outside the profession (Glassgold & Drescher, 2007).

In sum, the need to advance sexuality and gender knowledge motivates the organized body of psychology to respond to the emerging knowledge gap within the academic space, through the development and integration of LGBT psychology into the conventional psychology curriculum.

The current study set to assess and evaluate the current state of LGBT psychology in Nigeria and its implications for recommendations. The following specific objectives were developed based on the quadrants of LGBT psychology, which are to assess the.

‘Curriculum and Education’ quadrant of LGBT psychology.

‘Research’ quadrant of LGBT psychology.

‘Outreach’ quadrant of LGBT psychology.

‘Professional’ quadrant of LGBT psychology.

Research questions

Does the Nigerian undergraduate curriculum entail LGBT-psychology content compared to what is obtained in the United States of America and South Africa?

To what extent do psychology professionals research LGBT-related matters in Nigeria?

How engaged (outreach) is the organized body of psychology in Nigeria to the LGBT communities?

To what extent are the practicing psychologists caring for LGBT + persons or communities in Nigeria exposed to LGBT + affirmative training?

Study area/settings

The study setting is Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country with over 180 million people, and is in the western part of the African continent (Wright & Okolo, 2018). The Nigerian climate, like most other countries in Africa, has a long history of SGD populations (Alimi, 2015). The popular assumption among Nigerians was that the concept of LGBT is a Western imposition on African communities (Alimi, 2015; Mohammed, 2019). Nigeria also has the most diverse cultures in Africa, with more than 250 local languages.

All dominant tribes in Nigeria had and still have their historical cultural understanding of diverse sexual orientations and gender identities. For example, ancient Yoruba identified sexual minorities (SM) as ‘adofuro’ (a Yoruban word that means someone who engages in anal sex) and gender diverse (GD) individuals as ‘Lakiriboto’ (absence of binary gender assignment at birth due to ambiguous external genitalia) and/or ‘làgbedemeji’ (a person with a combination of penile and vaginal characteristics) (Alimi, 2015). Similarly, a historical reference to Hausa and/or Fulani of Northern Nigeria revealed that northerners identified SGD persons with the descriptive name Yan Daudu (in the Hausa language, meaning that men are considered ‘wives’ to men). The Yan Dauda communities were typically same-sex attracted by the same sex, who thrived (and still thrive) in northern Nigeria (Alimi, 2015). In 2014, the Nigerian government passed into law an anti-homosexuality law against SM in the country (Omilusi, 2021).

Research design/approach

The research utilized a multi-method approach (positivistic & survey) to sort both primary and secondary data used in the study. To conform to the positivist paradigm and the deductive approach. Survey-based questionnaires are preferred for observing populations and answering quantitative research questions (LaDonna et al., 2018). The approaches permit researchers to explore the public documents of the organized body of psychology (including newsletter), approved training curriculum, publications, and survey subset of the population of interest in the country.

Population and sample

The population of the study survey phase is practicing therapists in Nigeria with experience/history of working with LGBT + persons or communities. The study participants are the one hundred twenty-four participants ( n  = 124) practicing therapists who consented to participate in the study. 57.3% ( n  = 71) of the study’s participants were female practitioners, while 42.7 ( n  = 53) self-identified as male practitioners. The participants’ age ranges between 21 and 66 years (mean = 39.5; SD = 05.03). Regarding participants’ sexual orientation, all the participants (100%) self-identified as heterosexuals.

Research tools

The qualitative phase of the synthesized needed information from the benchmark minimum academic standards (BMAS) for undergraduate psychology programs authored by the National Universities Commission (NUC), a governmental body saddled with the responsibilities of regulating and periodically ensuring that the curriculum of psychology teachings in the country is universal and meets the minimum standard as stipulated in the BMAS document.

The questionnaire booklets were made up of widely used and psychometrically sound instruments for the collection of data in the study. The questionnaire was made up of two sections, Section A-C:

Socio-Demographics section that measured respondents’ data such as specialty, gender identity, age, marital status, highest educational attainment, and length of experience.

Checklist of previous experience with LGBT training. This section explored the categorical checklist for participants to tick as applied. The checklists entail a tick for the absence of formal and informal training, a tick for the history of previous formal training (applicable to foreign-trained therapists), and a tick for the history of informal training experience (i.e. training through webinars, conferences, YouTube, etc.).

Self-Efficacy working with LGBT clients was measured using the Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Affirmative Counselling Self-Efficacy Inventory (LGB-CSI). LGB-CSI is a 32-item scale developed by Dillon and Worthington (2003) to measure participants’ self-efficacy in performing LGBT+-affirmative psychotherapy in Nigeria. The scale has five dimensions, namely advocacy skills, knowledge application, awareness, assessment, and relationship. LGB-CSI scores are obtained by adding all items of the mentioned subscales. LGB-CSI is a six-point Likert scale with good internal consistency (Cronbach’s α > 0.70).

Data collection and procedures

As the study was a mixture of qualitative and quantitative kinds, qualitative content was recovered from the current benchmark for minimum academic standards (B-MAS), public documents of the Nigerian Psychological Associations, and published qualifying articles on some selected database databases (Google Scholar; PudMed & Elsevier) database between January 30, 2015 (period after the enactment of anti-homosexuality law in Nigeria) and April 2023 (deadline for data collection). The selected articles were LGBT-based publications by researchers / co-researchers affiliated with Nigerian institution(s). However, the quantitative data were retrieved through a set of in-print, structured, and validated questionnaires, which enabled an objective assessment of the constructs of interest in the study. Participants who self-identified as psychologists were included and met other inclusion criteria were included in the study. A detailed informed consent form (stating all ethical requirements) was made available to prospective participants who willingly consented and participated in the study. Participants were recruited using a purposive sampling technique because data collection of this nature is cumbersome to retrieve from the specialist due to the existing anti-homosexuality law in Nigeria. The data collection for the study spans from June 08, 2022, to April 25, 2023.

Showing the numbers of LGBT-related Publications for the year 2015–2022 in Nigeria

Showing the number of psychologists with a history working with LGBT clients in Nigeria.

Data analysis

The document analysis method was adopted for the qualitative phase of the study, while a one-way analysis of covariance was used to test the importance of affirmative training of LGBT in self-efficacy for psychotherapy with SGD populations. Quantitative data were analysed using the statistical package for social sciences (SPSS v.27) and Prism Graph pad (version 16.0).

Results/Outcomes

This section presents the data analyses and results of the study. This section presents the interpretations of the document analyses the four cardinals of LGBT-Psychology and establishes the quantitative findings of the study objectives that established the interplay between the study objectives 1 (curriculum and education) and 4 (professionalism).

Study outcome 1 (curriculum and education)

The finding in study objective 1 that proposed to assess the curriculum and educational quadrant of LGBT psychology in Nigeria was synthesized from the B-MAS for undergraduate psychology programs compared to the psychology curriculum obtained from the United States of America and South Africa as presented in Table 2 .

The results in Table 2 show that related course titles, such as clinical psychology/pathology, contemporary issues in psychology, and psychology of social change, were included in the Nigerian curriculum and training standard as available in South Africa and the USA. However, the Nigerian course contents under clinical psychology/psychopathology cover topics like sexual dysfunction, gender dysphoria, and paraphilic disorder, but the scopes are not expanded and cover topics like sexual and gender diversity and sexual health. Similarly, the course title Contemporary Issues in Psychology does not cover the discussion of diverse sexual orientations and gender identities as a course content just like the curriculum of counterparts within the African continent (e.g. South Africa) and the Western communities (e.g. USA). However, the content of LGBT psychology subsumed under the course title ‘Psychology of social change named social change and identity crises’ was not covered in the Nigerian curriculum despite the inclusion of the psychology of social change in the curriculum.

Furthermore, Table 2 revealed that the Nigerian psychology curriculum does not incorporate LGBT Psychology/Psychology of Sexual and Gender Diversity into the existing training curriculum like what is available in SA and the USA. The LGBT-Psychology/ Psychology of Sexual and Gender Diversity curriculum highlighted the following course contents: [1] historical perspectives of diverse sexual orientations and gender identity [2] LGBT terminology [3] theories of identity development [4] Mental health and well-being of sexual and gender minorities [5] Approaches and ethical approaches to LGBT research [6] Issues that impact LGBTQ + individuals and communities [7] Understanding the role the field of psychology plays in supporting marginalized communities, specifically sexual and gender minorities.

Study outcome 2 (research)

The finding in objective 2 of the study that proposed to assess the research quadrant of LGBT psychology in Nigeria was synthesized from related published articles from 2015 to 2022 in the three main and rated publications (Google Scholar; PudMed & Elsevier) as presented in Fig. 1 .

The descriptive analysis of the synthesized literature as shown in Fig. 1 revealed that the majority (69.2%) of the reviewed articles (e.g. Oginni et al., 2021 ; Mapayi et al., 2016 ; 2022; Sekoni et al., 2022 ; Sekoni et al., 2020 ; Ogunbajo et al., 2021 ; Makanjuola et al., 2018 ; and Oginni et al., 2021 ) were co-published by psychiatrists. The results also revealed that 14.28% of the LGBT-related articles (e.g. Ogunbanjo et al., 2020; Sekoni et al., 2016 ; McKay et al., 2017 ) were co-published by public health specialists, 07.1% of the LGBT-related articles were affiliated with the department of law (e.g. Okuefuna, 2016 ; Arimoro, 2018 ), 03.8% were affiliated with the department of sociology (e.g. Akanle et al., 2019 ), 03.8% of the articles were affiliated with the department of performing theatre (e.g. Okpadah, 2020 ), while none (0%) was affiliated with the department of psychology.

Study outcome 3 (Outreach)

The finding in objective 3 of the study that proposed to assess the outreach quadrant of LGBT psychology in Nigeria was synthesized from previously published flyers/workshops/conferences/outreach/communications issued by the organized body of psychology in Nigeria between 2015 and 2022 as presented in Table 3 .

The results in Table 3 revealed that there was no documented outreach to the LGBT community based on an organized body of psychology in Nigeria. In other words, there was no record of the involvement of the organized body in national discussions, community engagements, or the publication of a position document on LGBT populations. In social media handles, there was no formal LGBT-based broadcast in the newsletters, websites, WhatsApp, and telegram handles of the organized body of psychology. Similarly, there were no LGBT-related topics recorded in the workshop/conference previously organized by the body of psychology between 2015 and 2022.

Study outcome 4 (Professional Practice)

The finding in study objective 4 that proposed to assess the professional practice quadrant of LGBT psychology in Nigeria was synthesized among practicing clinical psychologists caring for LGBT + persons or communities was presented in Figs. 3 and 4 .

Figure 2 revealed that majorityof the participants (81%, n  = 101) reported having previously and/or currently provided psychological services to members of the LGBT communities, while the counterpart minority (19%, n  = 23) reported no history of working with self-disclosed clients

Figure 3 revealed that majority of the participants (91.9%, n  = 114) reported no history of formal and informal LGBT training, while 5.65% ( n  = 07) of the participants had informal LGBT + affirmative training, while 2.42% ( n  = 03) of practicing psychologists had formal LGBT + affirmative training (during their foreign education pursuit) The findings in Figs. 3 and 4 revealed that most of the practicing psychologists who had (or still) attended to LGBT persons and communities had not informed training tailored toward the populations. The findings informed the need to examine the impact of Quadrant 1 (curriculum and education) on Quadrant 4 (Professional Practice) of LGBT psychology. Table 4 examines the influence of the LGBT training experience on self-efficacy in working with LGBT clients The results in Table 4 showed that the effectiveness of psychologists working with LGBT clients was significantly influenced by the experience of LGBT training (F (03,120) = 52.66; p  < 0.01; n p 2 = 0.568). Such that 56.8% (eta value x 100) of the perceived self-efficacy working with LGBT clients was accounted for by previous LGBT training experience. Since the significance was established in the F-value, a post hoc analysis was therefore conducted to determine the magnitude of the F-value (see Fig. 4 )

Showing the distribution of previous training experience on affirmative psychotherapy for the SGD populations

Figure 4 revealed that psychologists with formal LGBT-affirmative training (M = 51.60; SD = 02.67) exhibited greater efficacy working with LGBT clients than counterparts with informal training (M = 38.85; SD = 02.59) and psychologists without formal and informal LGBT-affirmative training (M = 32.25; SD = 01.07). However, there were no significant differences in the efficacy of working with LGBT clients by psychologists without informal/formal training and those with informal pieces of training (MD = 06.60; p  > 0.05).

Scheffe post hoc analysis showing the influence of training experience on self-efficacy working with LGBT clients

The study evaluated the stance of LGBT psychology in Nigeria, and the outcome also revealed that the Nigerian curriculum is somewhat sufficient with that of the reference counterpart in the study (i.e. USA and South Africa), following the enrolment of same courses (such as clinical psychology/pathology, contemporary issues in psychology and psychology of social change) in the Nigerian curriculum and training but the scope are limited and do not cover some important contents like sexual and gender diversity, sexual health, and social change and identity crises. Furthermore, the Nigerian psychology curriculum does not incorporate LGBT Psychology/Psychology of Sexual and Gender Diversity into the existing training curriculum as what is available in SA and the USA. The organized bodies of psychology in some developed and developing communities (such as the USA, UK, Philippines, Canada, Australia, South Africa, etc.) identified overwhelming knowledge and scientific findings of contemporary events of sexualities and gender identity and incorporated the identified knowledge gaps into a stand-alone course entitled ‘LGBT Psychology’ to keep psychology students abreast of the specific knowledge needed to understand human sexual and gender behaviours (Ardila, 2015 ; Clarke et al., 2010 ; Moreno et al., 2020 ) For the second objective, the descriptive outcome established that most of the published articles were co-published by psychiatrists, public health specialists, lawyers, sociologists, and academic artists. However, none of the reviewed articles was published by a psychologist. Research outputs played an important role in the scientific understanding of diverse sexuality and gender, co-morbid mental distress, and lived experiences of LGBT persons and communities, rather than the primitive dispositions that are well-rooted in religious ideology, punishable by death (Morgan & Nerison, 1993 ). In other words, superior arguments through scientific discoveries have changed the narrative of the same sexuality over the years, just like mental health illnesses that were at an early stage attributed to spiritual torments (Hooker, 1956 ; Sagarin, 1951). The finding implied that LGBT psychology has no visible place in the research focus of psychologists in Nigeria. This is evidenced in the the study that none of the authors of published articles on LGBT persons and communities self-identified as a psychologist or member of the Department of Psychology at any higher institution in Nigeria. There is a need to discuss LGBT Psychology at conventions or conferences, to incorporate scientific matters about the SGD populations. Meanwhile, the discussion of LGBT matter and scientific findings contributed significantly to the development of LGBT psychology in countries such as the Philippines (Ofreneo, 2013 ) and South Africa (Nel, 2009 ) The third objective revealed that there were no documented LGBT community-based outreach, broadcast, and/or inclusive LGBT-related themes to workshops/conferences organized by the body of psychology, indicating the passive disposition of the psychology body in national discussions, newsletters, community engagements, or issuance of position paper regarding the SGD populations. Behavioural scientists such as psychologists are the core custodians of community well-being and psychology (PsySSA, 2017 ). Outreach is one of the responsibilities of professionals in taking scientific knowledge from the community members for public interest or further enhancing the community’s mental health and well-being (Smith, 1990 ). Psychologists as experts share knowledge to inform policymakers, engage media on issues of human behaviour, and take principle and formal stands on pressing social issues, especially when behavioural expertise is needed to contribute to debate and decision-making (Cohen et al., 2012 ). Outreach can be done through various social media channels (such as Facebook, newsletter, emails, etc.) or formal outreach (involvement in national discussions, academic conferences, community engagements, etc.). In South Africa, psychologists worked closely with CSOs to sensitize the masses and ensure competence in working with SGD populations (De Waal & Manion, 2006 ; Hoad et al., 2005 ; Reddy et al., 2009 ; Van Zyl & Steyn, 2005 ; Victor & Nel, 2017) The outcome of objective 4 showed that most of the participants reported having previously and/or currently rendered psychological services to members of the LGBT communities, while most also reported having no history of formal and informal LGBT training. In other words, most practicing psychologists lack informed training tailored to the needs of SGD populations. Further research revealed that the effectiveness of psychologists working with LGBT clients was significantly influenced by the LGBT training experience.

Recommendations

Based on the outcome of the study and as behavioural scientists and practitioners, the following recommendations were presented The study recommends that the NUC expand some of the existing course content that talks about sexual disorders and gender identities to discuss the overview and scientific reasons why homosexuality was considered a disorder, while people with diverse sexual orientations were considered a marginalized set of people. The introduction of LGBT Psychology will ensure a good understanding of the history of LGBT psychology, affirmative practices, knowledge of past and current attitudes and behaviours towards LGBT people, including common misconceptions, prejudice, and discrimination, research, and ethics working with LGBT and other identified contents are considered very important to fill the knowledge gap identified The organized body of psychology is encouraged to update the psychology curriculum of Nigeria to bridge the training and theoretical gaps of students studying psychology in Nigeria. The curriculum adjustment will guide to exploration of LGBT issues and concerns in different areas of psychology and other content reported in the results section. In this regard, psychologists’ academic outputs are expected to increase in publications, and thus address the need for more inclusive pedagogical and research practices, which will contribute to the challenging heteronormativity as it was experienced in global communities and South Africa (Nduna et al., 2017 ; Nel, 2009 ). For example, the organized body of psychology in South Africa took a leading role in Africa through the early introduction of LGBT psychology and the development of the Psychological Society of South Africa (PsySSA)’s Affirmative Practice Guidelines for Psychology Professionals, sufficiently promoted by the Specialized Division of Sexuality and Gender. The division focus areas are Research, Training, and Development; Education and Training; Experiential workshops; and Advocacy and Expert opinion (Nel, 2014 ) The implication of adjusted teaching, learning, and research into LGBT psychology also have significant and impactful implications in the ethics and practice guidelines for attending to people with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities. The American Psychology Association (APA) for the USA and the PsySSA for South Africans developed and published an affirmative guideline that assists practicing psychologists to operate within professional conduct and competencies while handling patients who are members of the LGBT community Researchers or psychologists in practice are encouraged to collaborate with scholars from other countries to recognize the relative, cultural, and national specificities of LGBT lives and, in turn, contribute immensely to the international discussion and approach to LGBT psychology.

Limitations

The researchers evaluated and discussed LGBT Psychology in Nigeria, from the unique field of psychology mainly, other disciplines and scholars from different fields should explore and appraise the disposition and contributions to the LGBT course. The use of in-depth interviews and Focus Group Discussions to engage stakeholders in the organized body of psychology or key players in curriculum development may provide a more in-depth understanding of the factors affecting SGD populations and LGBT psychology in Nigeria and proffer potential solutions.

Conclusions

This article has provided information on the development and assessment of LGBT psychology in Nigeria, and what is available in other countries, specifically the USA and South Africa. The study concluded that the Nigerian course contents are sufficient as much as their counterpart nations (USA & SA), however, lacking some important course content (i.e. social change and identity crises; LGBT-Psychology/ Psychology of Sexual and Gender Diversity. The study further established that no LGBT-related published articles from 2015 to 2022 in Nigeria were credited/affiliated with the Department of Psychology. There was no documented outreach to the minority (LGBT) groups by the organized body of psychology. Lastly, the majority of the practicing psychologists reported having previously and/or currently providing psychological services to members of the LGBT communities, without formal and informal LGBT training. This article proposes specific recommendations to facilitate the emergence of LGBT psychology and to help develop the field in Nigeria, as it has already been established in many developed and developing countries as a formal area of psychological science.

Data availability

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank the practicing psychologists/counseling psychologists who volunteered to take partake in this study.

Open access funding provided by University of South Africa. The research was independently funded by the researchers. No funding was obtained from external sources for this research.

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Abayomi O. Olaseni

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AOO conceived the research ideas, organized the research, performed the studies, analyzed the data, and drafted the manuscript. JAN co-conceived the research ideas, provided the overall leadership across every role, and revised the entire manuscript. All authors contributed to writing sections of the manuscript and read and approved the submitted version.

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Olaseni, A.O., Nel, J.A. Assessment Survey and evaluation of LGBT-Psychology in Nigeria: current state and recommendations. Curr Psychol (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-024-06608-y

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‘All my friends are going to high school’: Braintree teen remains without school for second straight year

BRAINTREE — Samantha Frechon ’s raven-black hair is an inch longer, maybe two. The once-stout morning glory plant in her mother’s garden has shot up to the roof of their low-slung house. The unwieldy dahlias nearby now block the view from their west-facing picture window.

Signs of time passing, of a summer nearly at its end.

Yet there are no school supplies piled on the kitchen counter, no new outfits hung in the teen’s closet. There’s no class schedule or designated bus stop, no locker combination to remember nor backpack to stuff full. That’s because, for Samantha, 14, there is no “back to school.”

Caught in the middle of a battle between her mother and Braintree Public Schools over her education, Samantha, who didn’t attend even one full day of classes last year, is again facing the start of school with nowhere to go. The would-be ninth grader, who has autism and severe anxiety , is keenly aware of her position.

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“All my friends are going to high school, and I don’t even know eighth-grade math,” a dejected Samantha said one recent morning. “Do you know how embarrassing that is?”

Samantha’s fate currently depends on the decisions of admissions directors at private special education schools in Greater Boston. Braintree, which has tentatively agreed to fund an out-of-district placement for Samantha, has sent referrals to several such schools in recent months. Yet, over the summer, one school after another denied Samantha entrance, each stating it cannot meet her needs, according to emails viewed by the Globe.

Anchor Academy: “We cannot offer the 1:1 support for the student.”

New England Academy: “Her current level of need exceeds the scope of the services we provide.”

Granite Academy: “We are not able to meet the level of support and schedule accommodations needed.”

Dearborn Academy: “We do not have the cohort of students to meet SF’s needs.”

Samantha’s mother, Alicja Frechon, feels at a loss.

“High school is the most fun time of your life, and she’s just sitting at home,” said Frechon, whose native language is Polish. “I want her to be in school. She want to be in school. She want to be in college. That’s her dream.”

Braintree Public Schools Superintendent Jim Lee did not return a request for comment but previously told the Globe the district has “at all times acted consistent with its legal obligations and has made available many educational opportunities during the course of the 2023-2024 school year.” The district has offered Samantha tutoring to start the school year, according to emails shared by Frechon with the Globe.

For many months, Frechon has fought for Samantha to return to Fusion Academy in Hingham, where Samantha had spent part of her seventh-grade year. After several unsuccessful stints at other schools, Samantha had thrived both socially and academically at Fusion, which specializes in one-on-one instruction. Braintree had paid for Samantha to attend Fusion under a provision of federal special education law that requires public districts to cover the costs of private tuition when they cannot meet a student’s needs in-house .

Braintree, however, refused to place Samantha at Fusion again for her eighth-grade year, instead offering to provide her a daily tutor at the town library, where she would be away from any school environment. Such a move would mean she’d miss out on any extracurricular activities and interactions with peers. The district, through an attorney, has asserted that the placement at Fusion, which is not a state-approved special education school, was only meant to be temporary.

After an attorney representing the Frechons sought to compel the district to return Samantha to Fusion, a Norfolk Superior Court judge, in May, instead ruled the teen had to return to a regular public school. Samantha’s return to public school, which she hadn’t attended since she was 8, resulted in a severe anxiety attack and a trip to a hospital emergency room.

In the aftermath, Judge Catherine Ham ordered Braintree to send Samantha to a less-expensive private school that specializes in working with students with disabilities. That school, however, never accepted Samantha.

Meanwhile, Frechon has been pursuing a resolution through the Bureau for Special Education Appeals. That hearing, which began in May and has lasted seven days, is scheduled to continue this week.

“I can’t understand why they don’t send her back to Fusion, where she did feel safe, where she did make progress,” Frechon said.

Frechon said she is open to other schools — as long as they can meet Samantha’s intensive needs. Frechon had especially high hopes for Braintree-based Granite Academy because of its close proximity to their home, she said. The school specializes in supporting students “who have emotional or social challenges that can interfere with academic progress,” according to its website.

“I think she would be good there, but you can’t force somebody to change their mind,” Frechon said.

Samantha, who spent the summer helping her mother care for dogs Frechon boards through an online service, increasingly struggles to picture her future. Often, she is fixated on her past, especially the bullying she endured at her old schools.

“I’m not very faithful in my education at this point,” she said. “Like, I genuinely think that there’s kind of not a lot of hope left.”

The Great Divide team explores educational inequality in Boston and statewide. Sign up to receive our newsletter, and send ideas and tips to [email protected] .

Mandy McLaren can be reached at [email protected] . Follow her @mandy_mclaren .